Costa 2015: 86, 87, 88. Distinct from pa {pa} 'to finish', grammaticalized as a cessative aspect marker [Costa 2015: 307].
Kayapo:kunˈĩ {kunĩ}1
Jefferson 1989: 140; Reis Silva 2003: 64. Distinct from ɔ=inˈɔ-ɾɛ {oinore} 'to finish', grammaticalized as a cessative aspect marker [Salanova 2019].
Kraho:kunˈẽ-a1
Miranda 2014: 34, 84, 122. Class C. Attested variably as kunˈe-a ~ kũnˈe-a. Used in its Swadesh meaning, for example, in hɨ kunˈẽ-a 'all the seeds' [Miranda 2014: 324]. Distinct from pˈaɾa ~ paɾ-tu 'completive aspect' [Miranda 2014: 157].
Pykobje:ko̤nˈẽ̤ {cohneh}1
Pries 2008: 31; Silva 2011: 117-118. Class C.
Canela:kunˈɛ-a ~ kunˈɛ̃-a {cunea ~ cunẽa}1
Grupp 2015: 111; Castro Alves 1999: 66, 74; Castro Alves 2004: 42, 71, 86; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 177. Class C. Cf. tu {tu} [Grupp 2015: 98; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14], glossed as 'all'. Distinct from the completive aspect operator pˈa-ɻ / pa-ɻ-tu {par / partu} [Grupp 2015: 171; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 182; ].
Parkateje:kunˈĩn {kunĩn}1
Araújo 2016: 148. Distinct from am- {am-} 'collective' [Araújo 2016: 30], iɾɔ {iro} 'all of them' [Araújo 2016: 86], kapˈẽn {kapẽn} 'all this / every member of a family' [Araújo 2016: 115], kũ=mɾˈẽy {kũmrẽi}'everyone' [Araújo 2016: 147], kũpˈẽ {kupẽ}'everything' [Araújo 2016: 149], pa-ɾ {par} 'completive' [Araújo 2016: 189], maɾˈɔn (colloquial) ~ pi=kaɾˈɔn (archaic) {maron ~ pikaron} 'everyone' [Araújo 2016: 162, 196].
Apinaje:piː-tˈʌ̃ ~ piː-tˈʌ̃ː {piitã ~ piitãã}2
DEA: 63; Oliveira 2005: 367, 405; Albuquerque 2011: 50, 89. Polysemy: 'all / everyone / everything'. Distinct from kunˈĩ, mɛ̃ʔ=kunˈĩ {kunĩ, mẽhkunĩ} 'everyone / the population of the village' [Ham et al. 1979: 58; Oliveira 2005: 396], =pa {=pa} 'completive' [Oliveira 2005: 402; Albuquerque 2011: 108, 126, 127].
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 50, 249; Dourado 2001: 25, 54; Vasconcelos 2013: 187. Attested only in the meanings 'everyone / to be done'.
Xavante:ʔubuɾɛ {uburé}5
Lachnitt 1987: 91; Estevam 2011: 60; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1974 (ʔubuːɾɛ). Distinct from ʔayhinĩ ~ ʔayhĩnĩ {aihini ~ aihĩni} [Lachnitt 1987: 15; Estevam 2011: 61; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1960], which can only refer to humans. Cf. =bǝ / =pǝ {=bö / =pö} [Lachnitt 1987: 20; Hall et al. 1987: 19], which likely represents completive aspect. Apparently more basic than ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {nhoʼõmo} (utterance-finally ɲɔ̃ʔu {nhoʼu} 'all' [Lachnitt 1987: 45], which is almost absent from available textual examples; it is mostly found in derivatives like ɲɔ̃ʔu-mǝ̃ {nhoʼuma} 'all the people / all the peoples / everybody' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89], pa=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {panhoʼõmo} 'big river / stream' [Lachnitt 1987: 50; Estevam 2011: 143; Hall et al. 1987: 77], ʔɾi=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {ʼrinhoʼõmo} 'city' (lit. 'many houses') [Lachnitt 1987: 59; Hall et al. 1987: 127], da=hu=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {dahunhoʼõmo} 'village / city / many people' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Hall et al. 1987: 23].
DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 397 (kuvɨ=nbɾˈɔ {kuvymro}). pɾʌ {prà} is glossed as 'ashes' in [Salanova 2001: 30] but as 'ember' in [DEA: 65; Albuquerque 2011: 50].
Kisedje:s=a=hɺˈɜ ~ hɺɜ {sahrá ~ hrá}2
DKP: 24 (s=a=hɺɜ {sahrá}); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hɺa {hra}); Nonato f.n. (hɺɜ {hrá}, with a question mark). In [DMK] this word is glossed as 'lit up' and written as {hra}, but in the attached audio file the vowel ɜ {á} is clearly audible. Guedes [1993: 268] quotes tu=sˈeɾe {thusêrê}. Distinct from nbɺɔ=sˈeɾe {mbro sêrê} 'coal' [DKP: 17].
Tapayuna:hɾʌ2
Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hɾa); Beauchamp 2018. Cf. kutɨ=kˈumũ 'smoke', apparently erroneously glossed as 'ashes' in [Camargo 2015: 82].
Panara:i=sːɨ=yakyˈati {issyjakjati}3
Vasconcelos 2013: 225 (as sɨ=yakyˈati {syjakjati}). The word transcribed by Vasconcelos [2013: 196] as ĩ=sˈɨ and translated as 'ashes' is apparently the same word as i=sːˈɨ {issy} 'fire / torch / lighter' (transcribed as ĩ=sˈɨ by Vasconcelos [2013: 168]), which is also the first part of the compound in question.
Xavante:ʔɾuy {ʼrui}4
Hall et al. 1987: 128; McLeod 1974. Also cited as ʔɾu-ʔa {ʼruʼa} [Lachnitt 1987: 66], literally 'white ashes' (note that this word is glossed as 'ember' in [Estevam 2011: 194]). Distinct from pɾɔ {pro} 'burnt powder, soot', wede=pɾɔ {wedepro} 'sawdust' [Lachnitt 1987: 54] or 'coal / coffee' [Hall et al. 1987: 121], ʒaday=pɾɔ {dzadaipro} 'saliva, spit' [Lachnitt 1987: 54; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod 1974], ʔǝʒay=pɾɔ {ödzaipro} 'beer' [Lachnitt 1987: 48] or 'foam' [Hall et al. 1987: 18].
Gakran 2016: 61; Bublitz 1994: 6 (mlãŋ {mlãg}); Jolkesky 2010: 267. Translated as 'gray' in [Alves 2014: 168], likely as a result of a translation error (in Portuguese both meanings are conveyed by the word {cinza}). Cf. pɛ̃=plˈǝy {pẽplánh} 'ashes' [Bublitz 1994: 16].
Dourado 2001: 207; Vasconcelos 2013: 197. Works as a classifier for barks, skins, clothes and all sorts of covers. Vasconcelos [2013: 185] glossed kyʌ̃=kˈʌ ~ ĩ=nkyʌ̃=kˈʌ {kjãkâ ~ ĩnkjãkâ} as 'casca' in Portuguese, but this most likely refers to fruit peel.
Xavante:hǝy {höi}1
Lachnitt 1987: 30; Hall et al. 1987: 121 (wede=hǝ {wedehö}); McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / female breast'.
Xerente:hǝy ~ he {hâi ~ hê}1
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 68; Cotrim 2016: 179, 365; Sousa Filho 2007: 114; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973 (also wde=hǝ {wdê hâ} 'tree bark'). Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / surface / female breast'. Cotrim [2016: 54] also lists wde=nĩ {wdênĩ} 'bark' as an ingredient suitable for the preparation of traditional medicines (da=si=kunmõ-zɛ {dasikunmõze}), but this word is translated as 'medicine' by Krieger & Krieger [1994: 55].
Costa 2015: 38. According to Salanova [2019], tik {tik} 'belly / stomach' is probably more frequent in Xikrín than in Kayapó, but more information would be needed in order to decide whether it qualifies as a secondary synonym for tu {tu}.
Kayapo:tu {tu}1
Salanova 2001: 18. Glossed as 'thick intestine' in [Jefferson 1989: 238] and as 'stomach' in [Stout & Thompson 1974]. According to Salanova [2019], this term usually refers to the external part of the belly and is more frequent and less marked than tik {tik} 'belly / stomach' [Jefferson 1989: 238; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558]. Nimuendajú [1932: 558] also cites ɲɔ̃ʔˈy {nhõʼy}, which is not used in the modern language.
Kraho:tu1
Miranda 2014: 74, 242. Class C.
Pykobje:to̤ {toh}1
Pries 2008: 42; Sá 2004: 78. Class C. Polysemy: 'belly / tuber / to make pregnant'. Cf. jõːkʰwˈa {jõocwa} 'thorax, chest, belly' [Pries 2008: 75]. Distinct from te̤k {tehc} 'pregnant' [Pries 2008: 41], which is also attested in a locative construction te̤k-kʰǝ̃m {tehc cỹm} 'in one's belly'.
Canela:tu {tu}1
Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 39; Castro Alves 2004: 31. Class C. Polysemy: 'stomach / belly / tuber / to swell'. Refers to the part of the belly above the navel.
Parkateje:ku=kɾˈat {kukrat}2
Araújo 2016: 146. Distinct from tik {tik} 'paunch / pregnant} [Araújo 2016: 86, 228], tu {tu} 'swollen' [Araújo 2016: 232].
Apinaje:ɲɔ̃ʔˈɨ {nhõhy}3
DEA: 29, 58; Ham et al. 1979: 53, 55; Albuquerque 2011: 42. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Distinct from tu {tu} 'intestine', according to [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. A different description is given in [Oliveira 2005: 189, 400], where it is explicitly stated that ɲɔ̃ʔˈɨ {nhõhy} denotes the inner part of the belly. Both roots are listed as synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.
Kisedje:tʰˈiki {thiki}4
DKP: 26 (quoted as tˈiki {tiki}); DMK; Nonato 2014: 127. Distinct from tʰu {thu} 'inflated' [DKP: 27].
Tapayuna:ʈʰu1
Camargo 2010: 36, 44; Camargo 2015: 51.
Panara:tu {tu}1
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 238; Vasconcelos 2013: 194. Attested as i=tˈu {itu} 'tuber' in [Bardagil-Mas f.n.].
Xavante:nɔ̃mɔ̃ {nõmõ}1
Lachnitt 1987: 22, 46; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 22, 74; McLeod 1974. Utterance-final allomorph: du {du}. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Glossed as 'stomach' by Hall et al., but since it can metaphorically refer to round vegetables, its real meaning probably includes the Swadesh meaning 'belly (outer part)'. Conversely, diʔi {diʼi} 'uterus / abdomen / bowels / breast / belly' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Estevam 2011: 79; Hall et al. 1987: 22] is found in examples referring to stomach ache [Hall et al. 1987: 22] or filling up stomach [Estevam 2011: 79] and most likely means, more precisely, 'the inner part of the belly'. Apparently more basic than ɲɔ̃wa {nhowa} 'belly / abdomen / in front of' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89; Estevam 2011: 93; Hall et al. 1987: 133] and pɛ̃ʔɛ̃ {pẽʼẽ} 'belly / abdomen / entrails / thought / to be sad / to miss' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Estevam 2011: 129; Hall et al. 1987: 26].
Grupp 2015: 117. Polysemy: 'belly / lower part of the torso'. Refers to the part of the belly below the navel.
Parkateje:
Apinaje:u / tu {u / tu}1
Oliveira 2005: 189, 411. More specifically, 'outer part of the belly'. Glossed as 'intestine' in [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. Both roots are listed as synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:5
Word:big
Xikrin:ɾay {raj}1
Costa 2015: 47, 69, 242. Distinct from abatˈʌɾi {abatàri} 'huge, big (of humans)' [Salanova 2019]. Unlike in Kayapó, tˈi-ɾɛ {tire} is not commonly used as a predicate [Salanova 2019]; =tˈi {=ti} is a very productive augmentative suffix [Costa 2015: 67].
Kayapo:ɾač {rax}1
Jefferson 1989: 175, 248; Reis Silva 2003: 41 (ɾay {raj}); Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'big / very / much'. Distinct from abatˈʌɲ {abatành} 'huge, big (of humans)' [Jefferson 1989: 175; Salanova 2019].
Kraho:ka-tˈi3
Miranda 2014: 91. Class A. Emphatic: ka-tˈi-a 'huge'. Cf. =ti, which is a very productive augmentive suffix [Miranda 2014: 90].
Pykobje:ka-tiʔ-tˈe̤ {catiʼteh}3
Pries 2008: 17; Silva 2011: 77. Class A. More frequent in available sources and apparently more basic than ɾat {rat} and ɾõ̤n {rõhn} 'big, large, thick, wide' [Pries 2008: 48, 49]. Cf. =te̤ {=teh}, which is an augmentative suffix [Pries 2008: 98; Sá 1999: 27, 46; Sá 2004: 134, 135; Silva 2011: 62].
Canela:ka-tˈi {cati}3
Grupp 2015: 36; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 19; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 143. Class A. Polysemy: 'big / great / important'. Distinct from ti {ti} [Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 51, 103], which is usually used as an augmentative suffix [Popjes & Popjes 1971: 13, 14]. Grupp [2015: 85, 146] also gives ɾat-tˈi {ratti} and jĩrɜ-tˈi {jĩràti} 'big, large', which are hardly basic terms for 'big'.
Parkateje:ĩ=nkˈɨ-ɾˈɛ {ĩnkyre}4
Araújo 2016: 84.
Apinaje:ɾač {rax}1
DEA: 68; Oliveira 2005: 154; Ham 1961: 24; Ham et al. 1979: 15; Salanova 2001: 77; Albuquerque 2011: 50. Polysemy: 'large / very / a lot'. Distinct from the augmentative suffix =ti {=ti} [DEA: 71; Oliveira 2005: 411; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 62], ɾũɲ {rũnh} 'great / intensively / plenty' [DEA: 69; Oliveira 2005: 408, 409]. According to Oliveira, both ɾač {rax} and ɾũɲ {rũnh} are used as intensifiers encoding permanent properties as opposed to tǝč {tỳx} [DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 409; Albuquerque 2011: 71] which encodes temporal properties.
Kisedje:ȶi {txi}2
DKP: 28; DMK; Santos 1997: 62, 67; Nonato 2014: 126; Guedes 1993: 49; Nonato f.n. Also quoted as ȶi=kumˈɛ̃nĩ {txikumeni} [DKP: 28]. Distinct from hɺˈek-ȶi {hrêktxi} 'tall' [DKP: 9, 24].
Tapayuna:či2
Camargo 2010: 62, 99; Camargo 2015: 143. Can be used both as an augmentative suffix and as a descriptive verb.
Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 76; Hall et al. 1987: 12, 65, 86; McLeod 1960. Very similar in meaning to wawɛ̃ {wawẽ} 'big / voluminous / wide / AUGM / father-in-law / mother-in-law' [Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 160; Hall et al. 1987: 120; McLeod 1974]; however, the latter root cannot be used as a stative verb [Estevam 2011: 160]. Distinct from ʔɾǝ̃y-hǝ {ʼrãihö} 'tall / high' [Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 269, 298; Hall et al. 1987: 126]. In all likelihood, more basic than wawa {wawa} 'big / intense' [Hall et al. 1987: 119, 120].
Jefferson 1989: 175, 248; Salanova 2001: 19. A diminutive suffix occurs on this word when it functions as a predicate [Salanova 2019]. Related to the augmentative suffix =tˈi {=ti}.
Salanova 2019. According to Salanova, this term is more generic than kwˈey {kwêj} 'small bird', glossed as 'bird' by Costa [2015: 52]. Costa [2015] translates ʌk {àk} as 'hawk' instead.
Kayapo:ʌk {àk}1
Salanova 2001: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974. According to Salanova [2019], this term is more generic than kweɲ {kwênh} 'small bird', glossed as 'bird' in some sources [Stout & Thompson 1974 (kweɲ ~ kwen {kwênh ~ kwên}); Reis Silva 2003: 64 (kwey {kwêj})].
DEA: 43; Oliveira 2005: 397; Ham 1961: 11; Ham et al. 1979: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 83. ˈʌkʌ {àk} is glossed as 'bird' in [Salanova 2001: 39] but it apparently refers only to certain species of large birds [DEA: 19; Oliveira 2005: 419].
Lachnitt 1987: 78; Hall et al. 1987: 87; McLeod 1974.
Xerente:si {si}5
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39, 64; Cotrim 2016: 64; Souza 2008: 72; Sousa Filho 2007: 214; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({chi}). Translated as 'small bird' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 61] and [Castelnau f.n.], but no other candidate for a generic word for 'bird' is attested. Cf. si-baka {sibaka} 'heron' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39; Cotrim 2016: 162; Sousa Filho 2007: 61], translated as 'big bird' in [Castelnau f.n. ({chi-baca})].
Herold 1996: 138, 156. šɛ̃-ši [Herold 1996: 61] is likely a typo.
Number:6
Word:bird
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:hǝk {hỳc}1
Pries 2008: 78. A generic term, used especially for large birds. Distinct from the generic term for small birds, aʔ=pɾǝ̤ː-ɾˈe {aʼpryyhre} [Pries 2008: 1].
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:7
Word:bite
Xikrin:ɲa {nha}1
Costa 2015: 31, 283. ku-class. Non-finite form not attested.
Miranda 2014: 107, 109, 114. Class D. ku-class. Non-finite form: cˈa-ɾa. Cf. also the antipassive derivation am=cˈa (non-finite form: y=ɔm=cˈa-ɾa) [Miranda 2014: 68].
Pykobje:ča {xa}1
Pries 2008: 55; Sá 2004: 75, 110. Class D. ko̤-class. Non-finite form: ča-ɾ {xar}. Distinct from tõk {tõc} 'to sting, to make so. trip, to tickle', kãm=čˈa {cãmxa} 'to chew, to bite, to eat (metaphoric)' [Pries 2008: 28, 42].
Canela:ča {xa}1
Grupp 2015: 139; Castro Alves 1999: 23, 44; Castro Alves 2004: 20; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 156. Class D. ku-class. Non-finite form: ča-ɻ {xar}. Cf. also kã=m=cˈa {cãmxa} 'to bite / to chew' [Grupp 2015: 107; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 186].
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 55; Dourado 2001: 43, 115; Vasconcelos 2013: 208; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016. Cf. kˈʌ-ɾi {kâri}, used once of a snake [Dourado 2001: 148] and once of an alligator [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 48] (ĩ=nsˈa-ɾi {insari} may also be used of snakes [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 166]). Vasconcelos [2013: 219] also cites kʌ̃tˈɛ̃n {kãtẽn}.
Xavante:ca {tsa}1
Lachnitt 1987: 71, 75; Estevam 2011: 174, 199, 317; Hall et al. 1987: 63; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ca-ɾi {tsari}. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from the partly homonymous verbs cay {tsai} 'to eat.SG/DU (intransitive)' [Lachnitt 1987: 71; Estevam 2011: 107, 125; Hall et al. 1987: 104] and ca {tsa} 'to drag / to pull' [Lachnitt 1987: 75; Estevam 2011: 184; Hall et al. 1987: 104; McLeod 1974].
Jefferson 1989: 244; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. Nimuendajú [1932: 567] gives also kaŋɾˈɔ {kangro} 'black', glossed as 'brown' in other sources.
Kraho:tɨk1
Miranda 2014: 95.
Pykobje:tˈǝ̤k-ɾe ~ tǝ̤k {tyhcre ~ tyhc}1
Pries 2008: 42 (with a diminutive suffix); Sá 1999: 42; Sá 2004: 37. Class C.
Canela:tɨk {tyc}1
Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 62 (with an augmentative suffix); Castro Alves 2004: 41 (with an augmentative suffix); Popjes & Popjes 1986: 172. Class C.
Parkateje:tɨk {tyk}1
Araújo 2016: 234. Polysemy: 'black / dark / closed'.
Apinaje:tˈɨkɨ {tyk}1
DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 410; Ham et al. 1979: 36; Albuquerque 2011: 62. Polysemy: 'black / dirty'. Apparently more basic than kʌʔtɨt-ɾˈɛ {kàhtytre} [DEA: 33].
Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 152, 379; Hall et al. 1987: 41; McLeod 1974 (ʔɾǝ̃ː=dǝʔǝ-di). Apparently more basic than ʔɾǝ̃ {ʼrã} 'black' [Lachnitt 1987: 56], which is absent from the available textual examples (cf. the derivative bǝdǝdi=ʔɾǝ̃ {bödödi ʼrã} 'asphalt' (lit. 'black road') [Lachnitt 1987: 56]).
Costa 2015: 140, 141. Judging by the explicit gloss 'his/her breast' of the 3 person form =õmyˈe {õmjê}, the word can refer to male breast. Distinct from kʌ {kà} 'female breast, skin, bark' [Jefferson 1989: 236; Salanova 2019], ɲõmyˈe-kɾˈʌ̃ {nhõmjê krã} 'nipple' [Salanova 2019].
Pries 2008: 75. Polysemy: 'thorax / chest / belly'. Distinct from kʰǝ {cỳ}, which may refer only to female breast [Pries 2008: 35], sometimes glossed simply as 'breast' [Sá 2004: 168] Sá [2004: 168] gives also yõkʰˈot (possibly yõkʰˈut {jõcut}) 'female breast'.
Canela:yitˈo {jitô}4
Grupp 2015: 82. Polysemy: 'torso / chest / thorax'. Distinct from kʰɜ {kà} 'female breast, nipple' [Grupp 2015: 115; Castro Alves 2004: 175]; yɔ̃kʰwˈa {jõkwa} 'fore quarter of the body, encompassing chest and back' [Grupp 2015: 90]; yakʰˈɛ̃n {jakẽn} 'young woman's breast' [Grupp 2015: 64]; kaka-ˈčɜ {caca xà} 'thought, idea, culture, chest, breath, place where thoughts come from' [Grupp 2015: 133]; yɔ̃kʰˈot {jõkôt} 'female breast' [Castro Alves 2004: 175]. The latter is also found in some non-gender-specific compounds, such as yɔ̃kʰˈot=hˈi {jõkôt hi} 'breast bone', paɻ=yɔ̃kʰˈot {par jõkôt} 'heel' [Grupp 2015: 89, 124].
Jefferson 1989: 135, 150; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: čet {xêt}. Labile. Distinct from pˈoɾo {pôr} 'to ignite' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ǯˈʌ {kum adjà} 'to set on fire.SG' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ŋˈiya {kum angij} 'to set on fire.PL' [Jefferson 1989: 98; Salanova 2019], kwɤn {kwỳn} 'to be burnt' [Jefferson 1989: 98] (the existence of this verb is not confirmed by Salanova [2019]).
Kraho:po-k2
Miranda 2014: 44. It should be noted that inchoative readings (typical for the cognate of this verb in other Northern Jê languages) are not possible in examples like ɾamɐ̃ mẽ=i=tɛ puɾ po-k kwǝɾ-yape ɾamɐ̃ i=tǝy mẽ=kãm aʔ=kɾɛ 'since we have already burnt the field, we can already plant there' [Miranda 2014: 242].
Pykobje:čit {xit}1
Pries 2008: 44; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 37. Class C. Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Glossed as intransitive in [Silva 2011: 61, 116]. Likely more basic than kapˈa {capa} (non-finite form: kačˈǝ-ɾ {caxỳr}) 'to take out, to extract, to pull off, to burn' [Pries 2008: 18].Distinct from pɾǝː {prỳy} 'to be lit, to emit light' [Pries 2008: 40; Sá 2004: 115], amjõ̤=ko̤=čˈut {amjõhcoohxut} 'to be burned, scorched' [Pries 2008: 7], ko̤=kǝː=kˈǝk {cohcỳycỳc} 'to scorch' [Pries 2008: 19], ko̤ː=kˈǝk 'to set on fire (eg. ants)' [Pries 2008: 32], pur {pur} (non-finite form: pu-k {puc}) 'to be lit, to be ignited' [Pries 2008: 40].
Canela:tɔ=kapˈa {to capa}3
Grupp 2015: 160, 180; Castro Alves 1999: 61; Castro Alves 2004: 40, 50, 55, 108. Non-finite form: tɔ=kačˈɜ-ɻ {to caxàr}. A causative of kapˈa {capa} 'to burn (vi) / to take out / to extract' [Grupp 2015: 37; Castro Alves 1999: 21]. Class A. Distinct from the intransitive verb poɻ {pôr} (used above all for thatch of palm-tree leaves) [Grupp 2015: 125, 175; Castro Alves 2004: 49; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 12; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 140], which seems to be intransitive, and from čet {xêt} 'to roast' [Grupp 2015: 130; Castro Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 94].
Parkateje:čet {xêt}1
Araújo 2016: 251. Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Apparently the verb po {pô} 'to burn / to roast' [Araújo 2016: 198] is intransitive. Distinct from žet {jêt} 'to catch fire' [Araújo 2016: 96], poɾ {pôr} 'to ignite' [Araújo 2016: 199] (cf. also its non-finite form po-k {pôk} 'flame / blaze' [Araújo 2016: 199]).
Apinaje:ɔ=čˈeɾe {oxêr}1
Oliveira 2005: 267. Non-finite form: ɔ=čˈet {oxêt}. Causative from čˈeɾe {xêr} 'to burn (intr.)' [DEA: 74; Oliveira 2005: 374; Ham 1961: 28; Salanova 2001: 29]. Distinct from pˈoɾ {pôr} (non-finite form: pˈo-ko {pôk}) 'to light up / to set on fire / to burn' [DEA: 65; Oliveira 2005: 405; Ham et al. 1979: 15].
Kisedje:kʰɹɘ̃ {khrã}4
DKP: 13; Guedes 1993: 268. Distinct from the intransitive verb sˈeɾe {sêrê} [DKP: 24; DMK; Santos 1997: 10, 27; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n]. Guedes [1993: 273] also quotes the form ngɹɔ {ngro}.
Tapayuna:tˈeɾe #1
Camargo 2015: 87; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (čˈeɾe). Used as an intransitive verb in the only available example.
Panara:tˈiti {titi}1
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 53, 59 (intransitive); Dourado 2001: 142; Vasconcelos 2013: 219; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Distinct from ĩ=nkyˈe {inkjê} 'to make fire' [Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016], tɔw {too} 'to set on fire' [Dourado 2001: 125].
Xavante:ʒata {dzata}1
Lachnitt 1987: 23, 26, 71, 76 ('to burn / to roast / to scorch'); Estevam 2011: 388; Hall et al. 1987: 69. Apparently a labile verb. Distinct from caʒu {tsadzu} 'to toast seeds' [Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 337; Hall et al. 1987: 57].
Xerente:pɾɔ {pro}6
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 93; Cotrim 2016: 64; Santos 2007: 249; Mattos 1973. Distinct from hǝ̃=ɾɔ {hãro} (non-finite form: ɾ-kɔ ~ ɾɔ-k ~ ɾɔ-kɔ {rko ~ rok ~ roko}) 'to ignite / to catch fire / to burn (vi.)' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 34; Santos 2007: 237]; saɾõ {sarõ} 'to set on fire / to burn' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 93; Cotrim 2016: 396; Mattos 1973]; sasu {sasu} 'to set on fire / to burn / to toast' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 37; Cotrim 2016: 70]; zata {zata} 'to burn in the flame / to toast' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 56]. No apparent distinction could be established between pɾɔ {pro} and kɾǝ̃mĩ {krãmĩ}; these verbs are listed as synonyms, although further research might unveil syntactic and/or semantic differences between them. The verb su {su}, glossed as 'to burn' in [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46], is not attested in other sources and is assumed to be less basic. The verb kupɾi {kupri} 'to burn / to singe' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 23, 93; Souza 2008: 84; Sousa Filho 2007: 198] is likely intransitive.
Lachnitt 1987: 63; Hall et al. 1987: 50; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔː-ʔɔ). Non-finite form: ɾɔ-ʔɔ {roʼo}. Polysemy: 'to burn / to light up / to set on fire / to illuminate / to warm up / light'. Apparently a labile verb.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 238; Vasconcelos 2013: 224; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Polysemy: 'nail / claw'. s=i=kyˈa {sikja}, glossed as 'nail' in [Dourado 2001: 76], actually means 'hand'.
Xavante:ɲĩ=pɔ {nhipo}1
Lachnitt 1987: 43; Hall et al. 1987: 25. McLeod [1974] quotes paɾa=ɲĩ=pɔ {paranhipo}, which more precisely means 'toenail' [Hall et al. 1987: 26] or 'toe' [Lachnitt 1987: 51].
Costa 2015: 55, 68, 300. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ in their argumental structure (kɾɯ {kry} takes a dative subject; ya=kɾˈɯ {jakry} takes an absolutive subject).
Kayapo:kɾɯ / ya=kɾˈɯ {kry / jakry}1
Jefferson 1989: 32; Salanova 2001: 47; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ both in their argumental structure (kɾɯ {kry} takes a dative subject; ya=kɾˈɯ {jakry} takes an absolutive subject) and in semantics: ya=kɾˈɯ {jakry} has several additional meanings. Polysemy: 'cold / salty / spicy / numb' (for ja=kɾˈɯ {jakry}).
Kraho:kʰɾɨ / ya=kʰɾˈɨ1
Miranda 2014: 67, 68. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ in their argumental structure (kʰɾɨ takes a dative subject; ya=kʰɾˈɨ takes an absolutive subject).
Pykobje:kʰɾǝ̤ / ya=kʰɾˈǝ̤ː {cryh / jacryyh}1
Pries 2008: 23, 58; Sá 2004: 56, 114. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ both in their argumental structure (kʰɾǝ̤ {cryh} takes a dative subject; ya=kʰɾˈǝ̤ː {jacryyh} takes an absolutive subject) and in semantics: ya=kʰɾˈǝ̤ː {jacryyh} is broader in meaning. Polysemy: 'cold / happy' (for ja=kʰɾˈǝ̤ {jacryyh}).
Canela:kʰɾɨ / ya=kʰɾˈɨ {kry / jakry}1
Grupp 2015: 65, 157; Castro Alves 1999: 46; Castro Alves 2004: 43, 74; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 133. These two lexemes are listed together because they share the same root, but they differ in their argumental structure (kɾɨ {kry} takes a dative subject; ya=kɾˈɨ {jakry} takes an absolutive subject).
Parkateje:kɾɨ {kry}1
Araújo 2016: 142.
Apinaje:kɾɨ / ya=kɾˈɨ {kry / jakry}1
DEA: 41; Oliveira 2005: 391; Ham 1961: 14; Ham et al. 1979: 7; Albuquerque 2011: 80, 84.
Costa 2015: 103. Non-finite form: tẽ {tẽm}. Plural: mõ {mõ} [Costa 2015: 103, 299]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from boy {bôj} 'to arrive' [Costa 2015: 83, 88].
Kayapo:tẽ {tẽ}1
Jefferson 1989: 21. Non-finite form: tẽ {tẽm}. Plural: mõ {mõ} [Jefferson 1989: 71]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from boč {bôx} 'to arrive' [Jefferson 1989: 71; Reis Silva 2003: 56 (boy {bôj}); Salanova 2001: 28; Stout & Thompson 1974].
Kraho:tẽ1
Miranda 2014: 150, 161. Class A. Polysemy: 'to go / to walk / to come'. Non-finite form: tẽ-m. Plural: pɾa [Miranda 2014: 129, 134]. No transparent semantic difference from mõ. Distinct from poy 'to arrive' [Miranda 2014: 110, 127].
Pykobje:tẽ {tẽ}1
Pries 2008: 41; Sá 2004: 78, 103; Silva 2011: 78. Class C. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from pus {pux} 'to arrive' [Pries 2008: 48; Sá 2004: 113]. The distinction between tẽ {tẽ} and mõ {mõ} is not that of number; tẽ {tẽ} refers to a faster movement than mõ {mõ}.
Canela:tɛ̃ {tẽ}1
Grupp 2015: 128; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 142. Class C. Non-finite form: tɛ̃-m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come / to travel'. The distinction between tɛ̃ {tẽ} and mɔ̃ {mõ} is not that of number; tɛ̃ {tẽ} might refer to a faster movement than mɔ̃ {mõ}. Distinct from poy {pôj} 'to arrive' [Castro Alves 2004: 88].
Parkateje:amnˈẽ=tˈẽ {amnẽ tẽ}1
Araújo 2016: 36. Non-finite form: amnˈẽ=tˈẽ-n {amnẽ tẽn}. Literally 'to go hither'. See 'go'. Cf. katˈɔ {kato} 'to go out / to appear / to arrive / to be born' [Araújo 2016: 121].
Apinaje:tɛ̃ {tẽ}1
Oliveira 2005: 410; Albuquerque 2011: 89. Non-finite form: tɛ̃ː ~ tɛ̃-m {tẽẽ ~ tẽm}. Means 'to go' if used with the directional particle ma {mã}. Plural: mɔ̃ {mõ} [DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 399; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Salanova 2001: 30, 35]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from ⁿbɾa {mra} 'to walk / to stroll' [DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 373; Ham et al. 1979: 53]. ɾˈũmũ {rũm} and amnˈɛ̃ {amnẽ}, translated as 'to come' in [DEA: 15, 69], are actually an ablative postposition and an adverb ('towards here') respectively [Oliveira 2005: 366, 409].
Camargo 2015: 140, 141, 151, 178. Non-finite form: ʈʰɛ̃-m. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. The verb ɾ̃a is also attested in this meaning [Camargo 2015: 135, 140], but in all available examples a pluractional reading is possible.
Panara:mɨ=kwˈɨ {my kwy}4
Dourado 2001: 32, 169. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. mɨ {my} is a venitive (centrifugal) clitic; it is opposed to the itive (centripetal) particle pɨ {py}. kwɨ {kwy} is the basic Panará movement verb (see 'to go').
Xavante:we=mɔ̃ {we mo}2
Lachnitt 1987: 38; Estevam 2011: 332; Hall et al. 1987: 121, 326; McLeod 1974 (weː=mɔ̃). Non-finite form: we=mɔ̃-ɾĩ {we morĩ}. we {we} is a venitive (centrifugal) particle [Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 108-109; Hall et al. 1987: 121]; it is opposed to the itive (centripetal) particle ʔǝ̃mǝ̃ {ãma}. mɔ̃ {mo} is the basic Xavánte movement verb (see 'to go'). Distinct from wi {wi} 'to arrive.SG', ʔay=mǝ̃cici {aimasisi} 'to arrive.DU', ʔay=hutu {aihutu} 'to arrive.PL' [Lachnitt 1987: 15, 104; Estevam 2011: 200; Hall et al. 1987: 46, 68].
Xerente:mõ {mõ}2
Cotrim 2016: 147, 248; Sousa Filho 2007: 175, 180, 272, 323; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973. Non-finite form: mõ-ɾĩ ~ mõ-ɾ {mõrĩ ~ mõr}. Usually occurs with the centripetal marker mnĩ {mnĩ} or we {wê}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from wi {wi} (singular) [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 55, 69; Cotrim 2016: 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 133, 176, 191; Mattos 1973], si=mǝ̃ssi ~ si=mǝ̃sis ~ si=mǝ̃sisi {simãssi ~ simãsis ~ simãsisi} (dual.NF) [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 41, 69; Cotrim 2016: 93], si=nǝ̃ {sinã} (plural) [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 41, 69; Cotrim 2016: 93; Sousa Filho 2007: 104, 128], all meaning 'to arrive'.
Miranda 2014: 85, 213. Class A. Non-finite form: mˈõ-ɾõ. No transparent semantic difference from tẽ.
Pykobje:mõ {mõ}2
Pries 2008: 87; Sá 2004: 110; Silva 2011: 88. Non-finite form: mõ-ɾ {mõr}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Class A. Refers to a faster movement than tẽ {tẽ}.
Canela:mɔ̃ {mõ}2
Grupp 2015: 166; Castro Alves 1999: 31; Castro Alves 2004: 25, 89. Class A. Non-finite form: mɔ̃-ɻ {mõr}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'.
Parkateje:amnˈẽ=mˈõ {amnẽ mõ}2
Araújo 2016: 105. Non-finite form: amnˈẽ=mˈõ-n {amnẽ mõ / amnẽ mõn}. Literally 'to go hither'. See 'go'.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 46, 52, 53, 55, 238; Dourado 2001: 120 (po {pô}); Vasconcelos 2013: 199 (po {pô}); Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4 (po {pô}); Bardagil-Mas f.n. Irrealis: pˈow-ɾi {pôôri}. Usually glossed as 'to arrive', but it is significantly more frequent in available materials than mɨ=kwˈɨ {my kwy} and is hence included as a synonym.
Miranda 2014: 26, 113, 128. Class C. Non-finite form: tɨ-k.
Pykobje:tǝ̤ {tyh}1
Pries 2008: 42; Sá 2004: 116; Silva 2011: 133. Class C. Non-finite form: tǝ̤-k {tyhc}. Polysemy: 'to die / to faint / to be switched off'. There are also euphemisms: amjõ̤=jaɾčˈa {amjõhjarxa}, amjõ̤=kaʔtˈǝ̤k {amjõhcaʼtyhc}, amjõ̤=ko̤=ja=tˈe {amjõhcohjate} (non-finite form: amjõ̤=ko̤=ja=hˈik {amjõhcohjahic}) 'to return, to die', am=mɾˈẽ {ammrẽ} 'to end up, to die' [Pries 2008: 6, 7, 8, 10].
Canela:tɨ {ty}1
Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 33, 58, 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 143; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 139, 188. Class C. Non-finite form: tɨ-k {tyc}. More basic than the very rare verb ɾaɾak {rarac} [Grupp 2015: 146] and the euphemisms a=ktˈɔ {acto} (literally 'to disappear') and ɾˈoɻ=pˈɘ {rôr pỳ} (literally 'to grab termites') [Grupp 2015: 183].
Parkateje:tɨ {ty}1
Araújo 2016: 234. Non-finite form: tɨ-k {tyk}.
Apinaje:tɨ {ty}1
DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 409; Ham et al. 1979: 32, 35; Albuquerque 2011: 69. Non-finite form: tɨ-k {tyk}.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 40, 44, 220; Dourado 2001: 63, 114, 178; Vasconcelos 2013: 200; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. The variant with a long vowel is attested only once in [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 220], but it is the one which would be etymologically expected.
Xavante:dǝɾǝ {dörö}1
Lachnitt 1987: 22; Estevam 2011: 190, 203, 319, 405; Hall et al. 1987: 53; McLeod 1974 (dǝːɾǝ). Non-finite form: dǝ-ʔǝ {döʼö}. Truncated finite form (2SG): a=tǝ {atö}. Polysemy: 'to die / to faint'. Distinct from ʔayʔutɔ̃ {aiʼutõ} 'to run out / to go by (of time) / to die' [Lachnitt 1987: 16; Hall et al. 1987: 47]. Cf. ʔa=dǝ-ʔǝ {adöʼö} 'dead' [Lachnitt 1987: 14].
Dourado 2001: 128; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Found as sɔʔ-tˈi 'pet / fox' in [Vasconcelos 2013: 174]. Apparently distinct from yˈɔwpɨ {joopy} 'jaguar', which is translated as 'jaguar / dog' in [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 19; Vasconcelos 2013: 206].
Xavante:wapcǝ̃ {waptsã}3
Lachnitt 1987: 99; Estevam 2011: 226; Hall et al. 1987: 118; McLeod 1974. Cf. ʔay=waʒaʔɛ {aiwadzaʼé}, used by shamans [Estevam 2011: 508].
Alves 2014: 153, 161; Gakran 2016: 95. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}. Likely distinct from hok=hˈogn{hoghog} [Alves 2014: 153; Jolkesky 2010: 266], which probably denotes another species (Speothos venaticus). Distinct from mãŋ {mãg} [Alves 2014: 168; Gakran 2016: 95], which is a possession mediator for domestic animals.
Sao Paulo Kaingang:kɛ̃čˈoɾo-1
Cavalcante 1987: 87. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}. Probably distinct from hog=hˈogn{hoghog} [Jolkesky 2010: 266], which may denote another species (Speothos venaticus). Distinct from mɛ̃ŋ ~ mɛ̃n {mẽg ~ mẽn} [Jolkesky 2010: 263], which is a possession mediator for domestic animals.
Parana Kaingang:kašˈoɾo {kasor}-1
Wiesemann 1981: 40. Distinct from ʔɛ {é} 'Pseudalopex gymnocercus', hog=hˈogn {hoghog} 'Speothos venaticus' [Wiesemann 1981: 1, 16; Wiesemann 2011: 13, 25; Jolkesky 2010: 266]. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}. Distinct from mä̃ŋ {mẽg} [Wiesemann 1981: 65; Wiesemann 2011: 60], which is a possession mediator for domestic animals.
Central Kaingang:kašoɻ-1
Herold 1996: 139. Borrowed from Portuguese kašˈoɦu {cachorro}.
Number:19
Word:drink
Xikrin:i=kõ {ikõ}1
Costa 2015: 64, 90; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form attested as kõ-y {kõj} [Costa 2015: 64] instead of the etymological *kõ-m {kõm}; this is not confirmed by Salanova [2019].
Miranda 2014: 25, 206, 230, 251. Non-finite form: kʰõ-m. Class C. Misanalyzed as a sequence of a person prefix i= and a zero 'relational' prefix in the cited source. Also attested as i=kõ.
Pykobje:ẽ̤y=kʰˈõ {ẽhjcõ}1
Pries 2008: 31; Sá 1999: 53; Sá 2004: 45, 100, 117. Non-finite form: kʰõ-m {cõm}. Distinct from pe {pe} 'to drink up' [Pries 2008: 38], sometimes glossed simply as 'to drink' [Silva 2011: 86].
Canela:i=kʰˈɔ̃ {ikõ}1
Grupp 2015: 117, 194; Castro Alves 1999: 32; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 75, 76; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 8, 15. Class C. Non-finite form: kʰɔ̃-m {kõm} (attested as kʰɔ̃-n {kõn} by Castro Alves). Distinct from pɛ {pe} 'to drink all' [Grupp 2015: 125].
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22; Dourado 2001: 93, 239; Vasconcelos 2013: 200; Bardagil-Mas f.n. kˈɔ̃-ɾi {kõri} would appear to be an irrealis form, but in Douradoʼs data this form is attested in prototypical realis contexts.
Xavante:ʒǝ=ʔɾɛ̃ / hǝ=ʔɾɛ̃ {dzöʼrẽ / höʼrẽ}2
Lachnitt 1987: 28, 33; Estevam 2011: 390; Hall et al. 1987: 108; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ʒǝ=ʔɾɛ̃-nɛ̃ / hǝ=ʔɾɛ̃-nɛ̃ {dzöʼrẽne / höʼrẽne}. Dual: ʒǝ=ci {dzötsi} [Lachnitt 1987: 28, 34; Hall et al. 1987: 97]. Plural: ʔǝ=hu / ʔǝ=hu-ɾi {öhu / öhuri} [Lachnitt 1987: 48; Estevam 2011: 390; Hall et al. 1987: 96].
Xerente:ze=kɾẽ {zêkrẽ}2
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 57, 65; Cotrim 2016: 103, 260, 426; Sousa Filho 2007: 162, 187, 237, 279; Santos 2007: 236, 242; Mattos 1973 (ze=kɾẽ-nẽ {zêkrênẽ}); Castelnau f.n. (žo=kɾe-ne {jaucrene}). Non-finite form: ze=kɾ-nẽ ~ ze=k-nẽ ~ ze=kɾẽ-nẽ {zêkrnẽ ~ zêknẽ ~ zêkrẽnẽ}. Dual, plural: he=si {hêsi} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 11, 65]. The general verb (ka=hu {kahu}) for ingestion can also be used ([Krieger & Krieger 1994: 65; Cotrim 2016: 249; Sousa Filho 2007: 237]).
Wiesemann 2011: 41. Distinct from tɔgn {tóg}, plural tug=tɔgn {tugtóg} 'to dry (plants)' [Wiesemann 1981: 103, 105; Wiesemann 2011: 87; Jolkesky 2010: 267]. Both are glossed as transitive verbs, but since tɔgn {tóg} can be used intransitively ([Wiesemann 2011: 16, 29, 50]), it seems appropriate to fill this slot with this verb. Glossed as 'to rinse' in [Wiesemann 1981: 39].
Central Kaingang:tɔgn5
Herold 1996: 165. Distinct from kɔ̃ŋɔ̃ŋ 'withered'.
Number:20
Word:dry
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:kangˈagn {kaggag}4
Alves 2014: 158. Distinct from kagnǯu {kagdju} 'to dry' [Alves 2014: 158], tugn {tug} 'to dry' [Alves 2014: 176] (glossed as 'dry' in [Jolkesky 2010: 267].
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:21
Word:ear
Xikrin:ya=mˈa-k {amak}1
Costa 2015: 40, 138.
Kayapo:ya=mˈa-k {jamak}1
Jefferson 1989: 235, 236; Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.
DEA: 64, 67 (pɨka ~ pika / pɨkap-); Oliveira 2005: 402; Ham et al. 1979: 4; Albuquerque 2011: 110. This pronunciation is used in the village of São José; in the Mariazinha village the variant pikˈa {pika} is used [DEA: 76]. utɨ {uty} is translated as 'earth' in [Ham et al. 1979: 10] but as 'to land, to put on the ground' in [DEA: 73]. Albuquerque [2011: 68] also attests pye {pjê}, which is less abundantly attested and hence is likely to be less basic.
Araújo 2016: 205. Polysemy: 'earth / ground / terrain'. Usage examples include 'this earth is good for planting', which justifies the inclusion of this root here.
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:23
Word:eat
Xikrin:kɾẽ {krẽ}1
Costa 2015: 184, 217, 223. ku-class. Non-finite form: kɾẽ-n {krẽn}. Plural: ku {ku} [Costa 2015: 102].
Kayapo:kɾẽ {krẽ}1
Jefferson 1989: 245; Reis Silva 2003: 35, 36; Salanova 2001: 27; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. ku-class. Non-finite form: kɾẽ-n {krẽn}. Plural: ku {ku} [Jefferson 1989: 110; Salanova 2001: 58].
Kraho:kʰɾẽ1
Miranda 2014: 85, 150. Class C. Non-finite form: kʰɾˈẽ-ɾẽ. Transitive. Distinct from pi-n 'to eat completely' (only non-finite form attested) [Miranda 2014: 41], pepˈey 'to eat everything' [Miranda 2014: 47].
Pykobje:kʰɾẽː {crẽe}1
Pries 2008: 33. Class C. ko̤-class. Transitive, singular.
Canela:kʰɾɛ̃ {krẽ}1
Grupp 2015: 121; Castro Alves 1999: 28, 57; Castro Alves 2004: 82, 85; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 148. Class C. Non-finite form: kʰɾɛ̃-ɻ {krẽr}. Transitive.
Parkateje:kɾẽ {krẽ}1
Araújo 2016: 137. ku-class. Non-finite form: kɾẽ-ɾ {krẽr}. More specifically, 'to eat wild animalsʼ meat, vegetables, potatoes' [Araújo 2016: 114]. Distinct from kǝ̃m=čˈa {kãmxa} 'to eat hard food (like turtles, kupa vine, wings)', ka=hˈo ~ ka=ho=hˈo {kahô ~ kahôhô} 'to eat fruits by sucking the flesh' [Araújo 2016: 107], ho {hô} 'to eat soft food (like fish with bones, fruits with stones) / to suck' [Araújo 2016: 73], žipˈɨ / žipˈɨ-ɾ {jipy / jipyr} 'to eat together, encircling the food' [Araújo 2016: 71].
Apinaje:kɾɛ̃ {krẽ}1
DEA: 27; Oliveira 2005: 393; Ham 1961: 2; Ham et al. 1979: 54; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 72, 94. ku-class. Non-finite form: kɾɛ̃-ɾ {krẽr}. More specifically, 'to eat food of only one kind / to swallow'.
DEA: 42, 43; Oliveira 2005: 394; Ham et al. 1979: 54; Albuquerque 2011: 72, 94. ku-class. Non-finite form: ku-ɾ {kur}. More specifically, 'to eat food of more than one kind'.
Lachnitt 1987: 71, 73; Estevam 2011: 79, 107, 171; Hall et al. 1987: 104. Intransitive. Plural: cay=hu {tsaihu} [Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 112, 159, 301; Hall et al. 1987: 104] (literally 'to ingest food'). More basic than ay=ʔupaɾi {aiʼupari}, attested only in [Estevam 2011: 195] in this meaning (according to Lachnitt [1987: 86], it means 'to lay down / to have a rest / to have a snack').
Xerente:say {sai}4
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 36, 37; Cotrim 2016: 68, 199, 245; Sousa Filho 2007: 154; Ehrenreich 1895: 157 (aɾwa=sa). The utterance-final allomorph sa {sa} is homonymous with the verb 'to bite'. Castelnau attests unšada {ounchada}, whose segmentation is unclear; it might belong here.
Miranda 2014: 151, 155, 186, 236, 306. Class C. ku-class. Non-finite form kʰˈu-ɾu. Also attested variably as ku. This verb is typically used with partitive objects.
Pykobje:kʰo̤ {coh}3
Pries 2008: 31; Sá 2004: 100, 110; Silva 2011: 47, 113; Silva 2012: 237. Class C. ko̤-class. Non-finite form: kʰo̤-ɾ {cohr}. This verb is typically used with partitive objects and is much more frequent in available data than kʰɾẽː {crẽe}.
Canela:kʰu {ku}3
Grupp 2015: 122; Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 147, 181. Class C. Non-finite form: kʰu-ɻ {kur}. Transitive. This verb is typically used with partitive objects.
Miranda 2014: 29. Class D. Polysemy: 'egg / testicle'. Miranda [2014: 26] also gives katˈẽ 'egg' (without any examples), but as this word means 'squash' in sister languages, I take it to be a mistranslation.
Pykobje:kɾe {cre}1
Pries 2008: 52; Sá 1999: 47, 52. Class D.
Canela:kɾɛ {cre}1
Grupp 2015: 134; Castro Alves 1999: 59; Castro Alves 2004: 30, 39; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14. Class D. Polysemy: 'egg / testicles'.
Parkateje:kɾɛ ~ nkɾɛ {kre ~ nkre}1
Araújo 2016: 136, 175. Polysemy: 'egg / testicle'. Cf. kačwˈǝn {kaxwỳn} 'the contents of an egg' [Araújo 2016: 124].
Vasconcelos 2013: 184; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.
Xavante:ʔɾe {ʼre}1
Lachnitt 1987: 58; Hall et al. 1987: 42; McLeod 1974 (ciːʔaː=ʔɾe). Polysemy: 'egg / anus / vagina'. It should be noted that the latter meanings might be assigned rather to the etymologically unrelated ʔɾe {ʼre} 'orifice / hole / cavity'.
Wiesemann 2011: 69. Borrowed from Portuguese ˈovu {ovo}. The form kɹä̃ {krẽ}, cited in [Jolkesky 2010: 267], actually means 'son' and is not a cognate of the Xokléng and São Paulo Kaingáng words, contra Jolkesky.
Central Kaingang:ow-1
Herold 1996: 157. Borrowed from Portuguese ˈovu {ovo}.
Pries 2008: 42; Sá 1999: 14; Sá 2004: 88. Class C.
Canela:twɘm-pˈe{twỳm pê}1
Grupp 2015: 129. Class C. The bare form twɘm {twỳm} is attested by Castro Alves [1999: 21; 2004: 175] and Popjes & Popjes [1971: 7] (only in the meaning 'fat (adj.)').
Parkateje:twǝm {twỳm}1
Araújo 2016: 233.
Apinaje:twˈɘmɘ {twỳm}1
DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 411. Also used as a descriptive verb: 'to be fat' [Albuquerque 2011: 82].
Kisedje:twˈɘmɨ {twâmy}1
Nonato f.n. Possibly a mistranscription of tʰwˈɘmɨ {thwâmy}.
Tapayuna:ʈʰwˈɘwɘ1
Beauchamp 2018.
Panara:tũmˈʌ̃ ~ ĩ=ntumˈʌ̃ {tũmã ~ ĩntuma}1
Dourado 2001: 115; Vasconcelos 2013: 187; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016.
Xavante:wam {wam}1
Lachnitt 1987: 65, 96; Hall et al. 1987: 28, 40; McLeod 1974. Usually occurs with the prefix ɾɔː= {ro-} as ɾɔː=wam {rowam}.
Xerente:wam {wam}1
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 81; Souza 2008: 22; Mattos 1973; Castenau f.n. ({oua}). Usually found with the prefix ɾɔm= {rom=} as ɾɔm=wam {romwam}.
Laklano:klǝk=tˈagn ~ tagn {klágtag ~ tag}1
Alves 2014: 147, 162; Gakran 2016: 79; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Works as an adjective as well [Gakran 2016: 110; Bublitz 1994: 13].
Sao Paulo Kaingang:tɛ̃ŋ1
Cavalcante 1987: 92; Jolkesky 2010: 266.
Parana Kaingang:ʌɾˈʌbn {rám}3
Wiesemann 1981: 89; Wiesemann 2011: 77. Distinct from tɔ̃ŋ {tãg} [Jolkesky 2010: 266], which is an adjective [Wiesemann 1981: 99; Wiesemann 2011: 84].
Central Kaingang:ndɛdn=ũ=tɔ̃ŋ1
Herold 1996: 110.
Number:26
Word:fat
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:pe {pê}2
Grupp 2015: 132. Polysemy: 'sweat / fat / to lubrificate'.
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:27
Word:feather
Xikrin:yaɾˈa {jara}1
Costa 2015: 51.
Kayapo:yaɾˈa {jara}1
Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 564. Polysemy: 'wing / flight feather'. Distinct from ŋwˈɤn {ngwỳn} 'down' [Salanova 2019], sometimes glossed as 'feather' [Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 564] and from pɾɤ 'tuft / corn husk' [Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 564].
Kraho:kwǝn #2
Miranda 2014: 65. No context specified; it may be the case that this word actually means 'body feather', as in the related varieties.
Pykobje:pɾǝ {prỳ}3
Pries 2008: 39; Sá 2004: 166. Class C. Polysemy: 'flight feather / corn husk'. Distinct from kwɨn {cwyn} 'body feather' [Sá 2004: 162].
DEA: 66; Oliveira 2005: 63; Ham et al. 1979: 12; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 37. pɘ {pỳ} is glossed as Portuguese 'pena' (which might mean 'feather' or 'pity') in [DEA: 59], but the word is not attested in other sources.
Camargo 2010: 79; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 604. Glossed as 'bird body' in [Camargo 2010: 56]. The form t=ˈaɾa is translated as 'wing' in [Camargo 2015: 80].
Panara:s=ayˈa {saja}1
Dourado 2001: 78; Bardagil-Mas f.n. More specifically, a flight feather. Vasconcelos [2013: 174] glosses it as 'wing with feathers'.
Xavante:ʒaɾipi {dzaripi}9
Lachnitt 1987: 26 ('flight feather'); McLeod 1974. Hall et al. [1987: 39] attest it in the meaning 'wing' (cf. pay-hi {paihi} 'wing' [McLeod 1974] / 'arm' [Lachnitt 1987: 50]).
Xerente:zdaɾpi {zdarpi}9
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 38, 90; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973. Sousa [2008: 70] lists the form smi=daɾbi {smidarbi}. Polysemy: 'feather / wing'. Older sources quote a different root: i-baka {ibaka} [Castelnau f.n.], ti-baka {tibaka} [Ehrenreich 1895: 152], which is likely the same word as si-baka {sibaka} 'heron' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39; Cotrim 2016: 162; Sousa Filho 2007: 61].
Wiesemann 2011: 58; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'feather / a hair / hairy leather'. Only the latter two meanings are attested in [Wiesemann 1981: 62].
Araújo 2016: 226. Polysemy: 'fish / any water animals (like otters, alligators, capybaras, turtles, snake)'.
Apinaje:tˈɛpɛ {tep}1
Oliveira 2005: 410; Ham 1961: 28; Ham et al. 1979: 33; Salanova 2001: 38; Albuquerque 2011: 57. In [DEA: 71] the bare stem is translated as 'candiru (Vandellia cirrhosa) / jaraqui (flagtail prochilodus) / margarida'. Cf. pɾičwa-ɾɛ {prixware}, translated as 'fish' in [DEA: 70] but as 'payara (Hydrolycus scomberoides)' elsewhere in the same work [DEA: 66].
Costa 2015: 281. Occurs in the meaning 'pregnant' in the cited work, but glossed as 'full' (the existence of this meaning is confirmed by Salanova [2019]). Polysemy: 'full / pregnant'.
Kayapo:=i=pˈu {ipu}1
Jefferson 1989: 243; Reis Silva 2003: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974.
Kraho:h=i=pˈu1
Miranda 2014: 42. Cf. the word tik [Miranda 2014: 39], which is also glossed as 'full' (Portuguese cheio) but which possibly means 'full, satisfied' (< PNJ *tik 'stomach').
Pykobje:h=ẽ̤=pˈo̤ {hẽhpoh}1
Pries 2008: 68. Distinct from čuk-te̤ {xucteh} [Pries 2008: 44] 'swollen, full (of a boll)'; tǝm {tỳm} 'full (of rivers)' [Pries 2008: 43].
Canela:h=i=pˈu {hipu}1
Grupp 2015: 85. Cf. yičˈu {jixu} [Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14], not attested in any other source.
Parkateje:tǝm {tỳm}2
Araújo 2016: 235.
Apinaje:ndˈɘtɘ {nỳt}3
DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 375; Ham et al. 1979: 15. Cf. ɲi=pˈu {nhĩpu}, translated as 'full' in [Ham et al. 1979: 9] and as 'to overflow' in [Oliveira 2005: 185].
Lachnitt 1987: 38, 105; Estevam 2011: 79, 200; Hall et al. 1987: 126; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ʔmǝ̃=ci-ci {ʼmatsitsi}. Lachnitt [1987: 85] also quotes ci-ci {tsitsi} 'to fill' [Lachnitt 1987: 85]. Estevam [2011: 440] attests yet another root, ci=ɾɛ {tsiré}, which is reportedly found only in the speech of elderly speakers.
Alves 2014: 170; Gakran 2016: 147, 207; Bublitz 1994: 19 ('to give a small round object'); Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: vin {vin} [Urban 1985: 177]. Causative from nˈɛ̃vɛ̃ {nẽv} [Gakran 2016: 159]. Distinct from ɲã-ŋ {jãg} (3rd person: ðã-ŋ {zãg}) 'to give, to put vertically' [Alves 2014: 154, 183; Gakran 2016: 264], yi {ji} (3rd person: ð=i {zi}) 'to give, to put horizontally' [Alves 2014: 156, 184; Gakran 2016: 172].
Sao Paulo Kaingang:nĩ-m6
Jolkesky 2010: 266. widn [Cavalcante 1987: 81] is translated as 'to give / to distribute' and apparently presupposes a plural object.
Parana Kaingang:nĩ-m {nĩm}6
Wiesemann 1981: 74; Wiesemann 2011: 66; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Means 'to give, to put a short object'. Active derivative from nĩ {nĩ} 'to sit'; nĩwĩ {nĩv} 'present' is a back derivation. Distinct from ɸ=ä̃-ŋ / yä̃-ŋ {fẽg / jẽg} 'to give, to put a vertical object' [Wiesemann 1981: 7; Wiesemann 2011: 18, 30], ɸ=i {fi} 'to place a horizontal object' [Wiesemann 1981: 7; Wiesemann 2011: 18]. Plural: widn {vin}, itself an active derivation from wˈiɾi {vir} [Wiesemann 1981: 117; Wiesemann 2011: 99].
Central Kaingang:
Not attested. Judging by the Paraná Kaingáng data, the verbs fɛ̃ [Herold 1996: 138], fi [Herold 1996: 169] and vidn [Herold 1996: 169] refer to vertical, horizontal and plural objects, respectively.
Miranda 2014: 29. Class D. Polysemy: 'good / beautiful'. Quoted as pey in one instance in [Miranda 2014: 186].
Pykobje:pes {pex}1
Pries 2008: 50; Sá 1999: 54; Sá 2004: 116; Silva 2011: 134; Silva 2012: 237. Polysemy: 'good / well'. Class D. Distinct from kapẽn {capẽn} 'good, tasty' [Pries 2008: 15], used of food in all available examples.
Canela:pɛy {pej}1
Grupp 2015: 132; Castro Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 40; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 133. Class D.
Costa 2015: 44; Salanova 2019. Ranges from green to yellow.
Kayapo:ŋɾʌ̃=ŋɾˈʌ̃ {ngrãngrã}1
Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 566. Ranges from green to yellow. Cf. kaɾˈɔ {karo} [Stout & Thompson 1974], which probably means 'unripe'.
Kraho:
Not attested.
Pykobje:kot {cot}2
Sá 2004: 40. Class D. Attested in one example meaning 'green parrot'. Distinct from tetet {tetet} 'clear, pale, green (of corn, fruit)' [Pries 2008: 41; Sá 2004: 165].
Canela:kʰukʰˈũm {kukũm}4
Grupp 2015: 122. Class C. Ranges from blue to green. Distinct from kɔt {cot} 'unripe' [Grupp 2015: 134], tɛtˈɛt {tetet} 'clean, green (of corn' [Grupp 2015: 128; Castro Alves 2004: 171], aʔ=tɛtˈɛt {ahtetet} 'green-leaved plant, vegetable' [Grupp 2015: 8].
Parkateje:kuɾˈɔ-m {kurom}3
Araújo 2016: 152. Ranges from blue to green. Distinct from ko-tˈi {kôti} 'dark green' [Araújo 2016: 132], hipɾˈɔ-ɾˈɛ {hiprore} 'pale / avocado-colored' [Araújo 2016: 71], ĩ=nkˈɔtɔ-ɾˈɛ {ĩnkotore} 'unripe' [Araújo 2016: 84], kaɾˈɔ {karo} 'unripe' [Araújo 2016: 120].
Apinaje:ŋɾʌ̃=ŋɾˈʌ̃ {grãgrã}1
DEA: 22; Oliveira 2005: 378; Ham et al. 1979: 36; Albuquerque 2011: 69, 117. Ranges from green to blue. Polysemy: 'green / blue / unripe'. The word ɾʌč {ràx} is attested only in [DEA: 68], but not in other sources; it is probably not basic.
Kisedje:ngɹɘ̃=ngɹɘ̃ {ngrãngrã}1
Nonato f.n. Ranges from green to yellow.
Tapayuna:ŋɽɐ̃ ~ ŋɽɐ̃=ŋɽˈɐ̃1
Camargo 2010: 60, 64, 95, 99; Camargo 2015: 87 (ŋɽɐ̃=ŋɽˈɐ̃-či). Ranges from blue to yellow.
Panara:tɛtˈɛti {teteti}5
Dourado 2001: 36; Vasconcelos 2013: 164. Ranges from blue to green.
Xavante:ʔuʒɛy {ʼudzéi}6
Lachnitt 1987: 92; Hall et al. 1987: 43; McLeod 1974. Ranges from yellow through green to blue.
Xerente:kuzɛ-ɾǝ̃ {kuzerã}6
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 24, 101; Cotrim 2016: 368; Santos 2007: 237, 243; Mattos 1973. Ranges from blue to green. Cf. yemenaŋ-kɾaː-di, yemena-kaː-di [Ehrenreich 1895: 157]. Distinct from ka {ka} 'white / unripe' [Cotrim [2016: 67, 153].
Laklano:tǝy ~ tay {tánh ~ tanh}7
Alves 2014: 174; Gakran 2016: 128; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Ranges from blue to green. Polysemy: 'green / blue / unripe / raw'.
Sao Paulo Kaingang:tǝȡn7
Cavalcante 1987: 27, 102; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Apparently ranges from green to blue.
Parana Kaingang:tʌȡn {tánh}7
Wiesemann 1981: 99; Wiesemann 2011: 84; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'green / blue / young / raw'.
Central Kaingang:tǝyn7
Herold 1996: 157.
Number:35
Word:green
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:ko̤ːɾˈom-te̤ {coohromteh}3
Pries 2008: 32. Class C. Ranges from purple through dark blue to green.
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:36
Word:hair
Xikrin:kĩ {kĩ}1
Costa 2015: 54.
Kayapo:kĩ {kĩ}1
Jefferson 1989: 177; Salanova 2001: 19; Nimuendajú 1932: 558.
Kraho:kʰĩ1
Miranda 2014: 103. Class C.
Pykobje:kʰẽ {quẽh}1
Pries 2008: 40; Sá 1999: 23, 69; Sá 2004: 167. Distinct from hu {hu} 'leaf / a hair / bodily hair' [Pries 2008: 37; Sá 1999: 63; Sá 2004: 47].
Canela:kʰĩ {kĩ}1
Grupp 2015: 117; Castro Alves 1999: 23; Castro Alves 2004: 31. Class C.
Parkateje:kɾǝ̃ {krã}2
Araújo 2016: 133. Polysemy: 'head / hair / hard fruit'. Distinct from kĩ ~ kɾĩ {kĩ ~ krĩ} 'animal hair' [Araújo 2016: 126, 138], ho {hô} 'leaf / a hair' [Araújo 2016: 73], he {hê} 'pubic hair' [Araújo 2016: 66].
Apinaje:kĩ {kĩ}1
DEA: 38; Oliveira 2005: 390; Ham et al. 1979: 53; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 49.
Costa 2015: 124. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know'.
Kayapo:ma {ma}1
Reis Silva 2003: 39; Salanova 2001: 51; Stout & Thompson 1974. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand / to hear'.
Kraho:pa1
Miranda 2014: 116, 128. Class D. Non-finite form: pˈa-ɾa. Also the non-finite form of an antipassive derivation, ɲũ=pˈa-ɾa, is attested [Miranda 2014: 105].
Pykobje:pa {pa}1
Pries 2008: 50, 60; Sá 1999: 69, 70, 72; Sá 2004: 113. Class D. ko̤-class. Non-finite form: pa-ɾ {par} (transitive) or ya=pˈa-k {japac} (intransitive). Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to understand / to obey / to offer a good'. In fact, different lexemes may be conflated here, but the finite form of these two verbs is in any case pa {pa}. The antipassive derivation aw=pˈa {awpa} (non-finite form: y=õ̤=pˈa-ɾ {jõhpar}) is also attested [Pries 2008: 72; Sá 2004: 116].
Canela:pa {pa}1
Grupp 2015: 49. Class D. ku-class. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to obey / to know (someone)'. The antipassive derivation aw=pˈa {awpa} (non-finite form: y=ũ=pˈa-ɻ {jũpar}) is widely attested [Grupp 2015: 98; Castro Alves 2004: 32, 67, 78; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 161]. Likely related to kʰãm=pˈa {kampa} (non-finite form kʰãm=ya=pˈa-k {kam japak}) 'to hear, to overhear' [Grupp 2015: 152; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 142].
Parkateje:aw=pˈa ~ kǝ̃m=pˈa {awpa ~ kãmpa}1
Araújo 2016: 45, 113. Polysemy: 'to listen / to know' (for aw=pˈa {awpa}), 'to listen / to remember' (for kǝ̃m=pˈa {kãmpa}). Non-finite form: kǝ̃m=pˈa-ɾ {kãmpar} (of the latter verb). Both verbs are glossed in Portuguese as 'escutar', which means both 'to hear' and 'to listen', but available examples contain clear instances of usage of the former meaning.
Apinaje:nba {ma}1
DEA: 15, 42; Oliveira 2005: 372; Ham 1961: 21; Ham et al. 1979: 57; Salanova 2001: 35. ku-class. Non-finite form: nba-ɾ {mar}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to ponder / to wonder / to know / to learn'.
Kisedje:nba {mba}1
DKP: 16; Santos 1997: 69; Nonato 2014: 54, 112, 144; Guedes 1993: 270; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605. ku-class. Non-finite form: nbˈa-yi {mbaji}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to understand / to remember / to know / to choose'.
Lachnitt 1987: 84; Estevam 2011: 138; Hall et al. 1987: 27; McLeod 1974 (=ciːɾi). Distinct from pɛ̃ʔɛ̃ {pẽʼẽ}, with polysemy: 'belly / abdomen / entrails / thought / to be sad / to miss' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Estevam 2011: 129, 178; Hall et al. 1987: 26]. Apparently more basic than ɲɔ̃ʔutu=ʔɾu {nhõʼutuʼru}, quoted in this meaning by Lachnitt [1987: 46].
Xerente:pkẽ {pkẽ}6
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 7, 31, 71; Cotrim 2016: 150, 391; Sousa Filho 2007: 114; Santos 2007: 235; Mattos 1973. This root is widely used figuratively in expressions related to human feelings. Castelnau attests {daen} (ẽ?).
Laklano:ðe {ze}7
Alves 2014: 184; Gakran 2016: 81; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'heart / center of emotions / bee nest'.
Pries 2008: 66, 93; Sá 2004: 87 (only the former form).
Canela:yĩ=pˈɜɻ ~ pɜɻ {jĩpàr ~ pàr}1
Grupp 2015: 84; Castro Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 51. Class B (pɜɻ {pàr}). Polysemy: 'horn / cow' (for yĩ=pˈɜɻ {jĩpàr}). Polysemy: 'horn / tree / trunk' (for pɜɻ {pàr}). Grupp attests only the former form, Castro Alves attests only the latter.
Parkateje:ko ~ kɾˈǝ̃=kˈo {kô ~ krãkô}2
Araújo 2016: 127, 134. Polysemy: 'horn / fire-making rod'. ko {kô} is possibly the same word as ko {kô} 'tree group' [Araújo 2016: 128].
Apinaje:pˈʌɾʌ̆ ~ pˈaɾa {pàr ~ par}1
DEA: 52, 60, 61. Polysemy: 'horn / tree trunk / the plant of a particular fruit or flower / canoe / car'.
Kisedje:
Not attested.
Tapayuna:
Not attested.
Panara:kyʌ̃=si=pˈʌɾi {kjãsipâri}1
Dourado 2001: 19.
Xavante:ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {õmo}2
Lachnitt 1987: 48; Hall et al. 1987: 42; McLeod 1974. Utterance-finally: ʔu {u}.
Jefferson 1989: 107; Reis Silva 2003: 39; Salanova 2001: 55; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. ku-class. Non-finite form: bĩ-n {bĩn}. Plural: pa {pa} [Jefferson 1989: 247; Reis Silva 2003: 37; Salanova 2001: 21; Stout & Thompson 1974]. Distinct from ɲi=mˈɛč {nhimex} 'to exterminate' [Salanova 2019].
Kraho:ku=ɾˈa2
Miranda 2014: 127. Class C. Non-finite form: ku=ɾˈa-n. Plural: yi=pˈɛy [Miranda 2014: 57, 85]. kuaɾˈa [Miranda 2014: 296] must be a typo. pĩ is also glossed as 'to kill' [Miranda 2014: 58], but in all available examples it is used figuratively: 'to burn (one's belly)' [Miranda 2014: 162], 'to extinguish (fire)' [Miranda 2014: 216].
Pykobje:ko̤ː=ɾˈa {coohra}2
Pries 2008: 32; Sá 1999: 47; Sá 2004: 25; Silva 2011: 112, 116; Silva 2012: 243. Class C. Non-finite form: ko̤ː=ɾˈa-n {coohran}. Polysemy: 'to kill / to end / to cause to faint'. Cf. the stylistically marked expressions amjõ̤=jaɾ=kʰwˈaː=mǝ̃=mˈẽː {amhõjarcwaa my mee} (lit. 'to throw in one's mouth), kʰɾẽː {crẽe} (lit. 'to eat') [Pries 2008: 33, 86]. Distinct from pḛ̃ {pẽh} 'to extinguish, to kill (of water killing a drowning person)' [Pries 2008: 47].
Canela:ku=ɾˈa {cura}2
Grupp 2015: 111; Castro Alves 1999: 22; Castro Alves 2004: 89, 92; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 136, 146. Class C. Non-finite form: ku=ɾˈa-n {curan}. Distinct from pĩ {pĩ} 'to shoot dead, to extinguish, to drown, to suffocate' [Grupp 2015: 144; Castro Alves 2004: 126], yi=pˈɛy {jipej} 'to exterminate' [Grupp 2015: 84; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 10], tak {tac} 'to beat, to kill by hitting' [Grupp 2015: 127], am=ka {amca} (non-finite form: j=ɜm=čɜ-ɻ {jàmxàr}) 'to kill (tête-à-tête)'. Less marked than hak {hac} 'to rub with pepper, to apply medicine, to kill (colloquial)' [Grupp 2015: 112].
Parkateje:pĩ {pĩ}1
Araújo 2016: 196. Non-finite form: pĩ-ɾ {pĩr}. More specifically, 'to shoot dead, to kill a large animal with an arrow'. With small animals another verb is used: ya=čwˈɨ {jaxwy} [Araújo 2016: 65, 96].
Wiesemann 1981: 101; Wiesemann 2011: 85; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Plural: kɔ̃g=tɛdn {kãgtén} [Wiesemann 1981: 40; Wiesemann 2011: 42]. Polysemy: 'to kill / to make drunk'. Active from tˈeɾe {ter}. Apparently more basic than tũŋ {tũg} 'to decease / to kill / to end' [Wiesemann 2011: 89].
Central Kaingang:tɔ̃ɲ5
Herold 1996: 170.
Number:43
Word:kill
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:
Parkateje:ko=ɾˈa {kôra}2
Araújo 2016: 131. Non-finite form: ko=ɾˈa-n {kôran}. More specifically, 'to beat dead, to kill with a club or a gun'. A necessary semantic component is the presence of spilt blood.
Wiesemann 1981: 100; Wiesemann 2011: 84; Jolkesky 2010: 224. Means 'to kill by beating, to beat up to death'.
Central Kaingang:tɛdn7
Herold 1996:
Number:43
Word:kill
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:tã {tã}6
Jolkesky 2010: 246. Plural: kǝg=tã {kágtã}.
Sao Paulo Kaingang:tɛ̃ɲ5
Jolkesky 2010: 224. Polysemy: 'to beat / to kill'.
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:44
Word:knee
Xikrin:kõn {kõn}1
Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'articulation / knee'. A generic term for articulations. There is not enough data in order to determine whether this word or kˈõn-kɾˈʌ̃ {kõn krã} 'knee cap' is more commonly used in order to refer to the knee.
Kayapo:kõn {kõn}1
Salanova 2001: 22. Polysemy: 'articulation / knee'. A generic term for articulations [Jefferson 1989: 237], occurring in numerous compounds (pˈaɾi=kˈõn 'ankle', tˈe=kˈõn 'knee', pˈa=kˈõn 'elbow') [Salanova 2019]. Distinct from kˈõn=kɾˈʌ̃ {kõn krã} 'knee cap' [Salanova 2019], sometimes glossed as 'knee' [Jefferson 1989: 237; Nimuendajú 1932: 559].
Kraho:
Not attested.
Pykobje:kʰõn-kʰɾˈǝ̃ {cõn crỹ}1
Pries 2008: 31; Sá 2004: 48, 168; Silva 2011: 71. Class C. Derived from kʰõn {cõn} 'articulation' [Pries 2008: 31; Sá 1999: 53; Sá 2004: 48], cf. the compound paɾ-kʰõn {par kõn} 'ankle' [Pries 2008: 38; Silva 2011: 71]..
Canela:kʰɔ̃n {kõn}1
Grupp 2015: 118; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 8. Class C. Distinct from kʰɔ̃n-kʰɾˈɜ̃ {kõnkrã} 'knee cap' [Grupp 2015: 118], sometimes translated simply as 'knee' [Castro Alves 2004: 174]. This root is also found in compounds that denote all sorts of articulations: pˈa=kʰˈɔ̃n ~ yaɾˈa=kʰˈɔ̃n {pa kõn ~ jara kõn} 'elbow', pˈaɻ=kʰˈɔ̃n {par kõn} 'ankle', pɾˈɨ=jõ=kʰˈɔ̃n {pry jõ kõn} 'a bend on a road' [Grupp 2015: 75, 124, 176].
Parkateje:kõn {kõn}1
Araújo 2016: 130, 167. Also attested with an indefinite possessor: npˈɔ=kˈõn {mpokõn}.
Costa 2015: 174, 210. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know'.
Kayapo:ma {ma}1
Jefferson 1989: 193; Reis Silva 2003: 39. ku-class. Non-finite form: mˈa-ɾi {mari}. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand / to hear'.
Kraho:yaʔkʰɾɛ-pˈɛy #2
Miranda 2014: 217. Means 'to know how to' in the available examples. Also attested as yakʰɾɛ-pˈɛy 'to know how to'. Cf. puhˈɔp 'not to know, to ignore' [Miranda 2014: 158].
Grupp 2015: 61; Castro Alves 2004: 79, 120; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 166. Polysemy: 'to know / to know how to'. Distinct from ya=pˈok {japôc} 'to master, to pierce.PL' [Grupp 2015: 72], h=a=kʰˈam {hakam} 'to know about' (literally 'to get underneath something heavy to lift it up') [Grupp 2015: 46, 64].
Parkateje:aw=kapˈi {awkapi}3
Araújo 2016: 45. Polysemy: 'to know / to think'.
Apinaje:nba {ma}1
DEA: 24 (y=a=nbˈa-ɾ {jamar}); Oliveira 2005: 372. ku-class. Non-finite form: nba-ɾ {mar}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to ponder / to wonder / to know / to learn'. The verb 'to see' is used in this meaning in [Ham 1961: 7].
Kisedje:nba {mba}1
DKP: 16; DMK; Nonato 2014: 54, 112, 144; Guedes 1993: 270. ku-class. Non-finite form: nbˈa-yi {mbaji}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to understand / to remember / to know / to choose'.
Dourado 2001: 121, 152. Not attested in the Swadesh meaning; in both occurences a more exact translation would be 'to know how to'. Polysemy: 'to hear / to know how to'.
Xavante:way=huʔu {waihuʼu}4
Lachnitt 1987: 97, 98; Estevam 2011: 47, 77, 407; Hall et al. 1987: 66; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand / to learn / to recognize / to commit'.
Dourado 2001: 207; Vasconcelos 2013: pǝɾǝ=sˈo {pârâsô}; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Bardagil-Mas [2018: 22] also attests tɨː {tyy} 'leaf', which might rather mean 'banana leaf'.
Xavante:we=cuy-ɾǝ̃ {wetsuirã}1
Lachnitt 1987: 104; Hall et al. 1987: 122; McLeod 1974. Lachnitt [1987: 104] also attests we=cuy {wetsui}. Leaves of specific plants, as well as pages, are denoted with the root =cuy {=tsui} [Lachnitt 1987: 89; Estevam 2011: 41; Hall et al. 1987: 89, 127].
Xerente:hǝy=su ~ he=su {hâisu ~ hêsu}1
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 79; Cotrim 2016: 54; Sousa Filho 2007: 92, 114; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'leaf / straw'. The root su {su} 'leaf / a hair' is also attested outside compounds [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 13; Cotrim 2016: 55, 60].
Herold 1996: 54, 59. The absence of nasalization in ta=mɛ is unclear.
Number:49
Word:long
Xikrin:ɾɯ {ry}1
Costa 2015: 31. Found without context.
Kayapo:ɾɯ {ry}1
Jefferson 1989: 248; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'long / parallel'. Salanova notes that this word is not usually used for soft, flexible objects (such as 'hair'), which rather combine with yabyˈe {jabjê}. Both are given here as synonyms.
Kraho:yapyˈe2
Miranda 2014: 38, 74. Distinct from y=a=ɾˈɨ 'long and vertical; tall' [Miranda 2014: 59].
Pykobje:ɾǝ̤ː-tˈe̤ {ryyhteh}1
Pries 2008: 49; Sá 2004: 88 (ɾǝ-t). Class B. Distinct from kaj=hˈi ~ kaj=hiʔ-tˈe̤ {cajhi(ʼ-teh)} 'long and sharp-ended' [Pries 2008: 28].
Canela:ɾɨ {ry}1
Grupp 2015: 146; Castro Alves 1999: 30; Castro Alves 2004: 93. Class B. Polysemy: 'long / lined up'.
Parkateje:i=ɾˈɨ-tˈi {iryti}1
Araújo 2016: 86.
Apinaje:ɾɨ {ry}1
DEA: 69 (ɾɨ ~ ɾɨː {ry ~ ryy}); Oliveira 2005: 407; Ham et al. 1979: 10. Polysemy: 'long / deep'. In [Albuquerque 2011: 36], piɾˈɛ {pire} is glossed in Portuguese as 'comprido' ('long'), but this is evidently a typo for 'comprimido' ('pill') [DEA: 64].
Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=mˈɯ {mẽmy} 'men' [Costa 2015: 76, 88, 96], which is derived from mɯ {my} 'penis', in its turn.
Kayapo:mẽ=ʔõ=mˈɯ {mẽʼõ my}1
Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=mˈɯ {mẽmy} 'men' [Jefferson 1989: 246; Reis Silva 2003: 35; Stout & Thompson 1974], which is derived from mɯ {my} 'penis', in its turn.
Kraho:h=ũm-ɾɛ2
Miranda 2014: 88, 111. Quoted with nasalization on the suffix (-ɾẽ)in [Miranda 2014: 249]. Stress position unknown. Technically this is a form of cũm-ɾɛ 'male' inflected for 3rd person.
Pykobje:h=õ̤m-ɾe {hõhmre}2
Pries 2008: 72; Sá 1999: 27, 55; Sá 2004: 26; Silva 2011: 47; Silva 2012: 237. The stress position is unknown. Technically this is a form of čõ̤m-ɾɛ {xõhmre} 'male' inflected for 3rd person.
Canela:h=ˈũm-ɾɛ {hũmre}2
Grupp 2015: 98; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 28, 32; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 129. Technically this is a form of čˈũm-ɾɛ {xũmre} 'male' inflected for 3rd person.
Parkateje:npɨ {mpy}1
Araújo 2016: 169. Usually refers to married men with children. Cf. č=ũm-ti ~ čũm-ɾɛ {xũmti ~ xũmre} 'male' [Araújo 2016: 79].
Apinaje:nbɨ {my}1
DEA: 53; Oliveira 2005: 371; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Albuquerque 2011: 76.
Jefferson 1989: 175; Salanova 2019. With mass nouns, ku=mˈɛč {kumex} is used rather than kɾʌ̃=ptˈĩ {krãptĩ}.
Kraho:yɔkʰɛˈat ~ yɔʔkeˈat3
Miranda 2014: 170, 293.
Pykobje:yǝʔtˈuː {jỳʼtuu}4
Pries 2008: 81. Apparently more basic than pis {pix} 'many, gathered together' [Pries 2008: 39], jakˈut {jacut} 'numerous, abundant' [Pries 2008: 58].
Canela:yɜʔtˈo {jàhtô}4
Grupp 2015: 62; Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 152. Grupp [2015: 62] also mentions a synonym yõʔkʰˈet {jõhkêt}, which lack a separate entry in the dictionary and is not attested in any other source.
Parkateje:yaɾˈete ~ yaɾˈet {jarêt}5
Araújo 2016: 62, 94. More frequent in the examples than ži=pɛy {jipei} [Araújo 2016: 70, 97] (found once used of pigs), kɾĩ ~ kɾˈĩ-tˈi {krĩ ~ krĩti} [Araújo 2016: 138, 139] (attested in combination with 'pequi fruit' only in a predicative context), tɛ=βˈo-tˈi ~ βˈo-tˈi {tewôti ~ wôti} 'lots, eight' [Araújo 2016: 228, 245] (derived from tɛ=βˈo / tɛ=βˈo-ɾ {tewô / tewôr} 'to go in bands, in groups'), nõ=pɨčˈi-tˈi-ɾɛ {nõpyxitire} [Araújo 2016: 177] (derived from the words for 'single' and 'one').
Apinaje:yɔʔtˈo {johtô}4
DEA: 58, 70; Oliveira 2005: 418; Ham 1961: 27; Albuquerque 2011: 89. Used in the meaning 'expensive' in [Ham et al. 1979: 17]. Distinct from piː-tˈʌ̃ {piitã} 'all / everyone / everything', translated as 'many' in [DEA: 63]. More basic than ɾač {rax} 'large / very / a lot', used in this meaning with transitive verbs [Oliveira 2005: 407].
Lachnitt 1987: 14; Estevam 2011: 75; Hall et al. 1987: 12; McLeod 1974 (ʔahǝː-di). Polysemy: 'many / more / enough'. This is definitely the most basic way to express the meaning 'many'. In the available textual examples it outnumbers both nɛ̃mɔ̃ {nemo} [Lachnitt 1987: 40; Estevam 2011: 501; Hall et al. 1987: 72] and c=aʔɛ̃tɛ̃-nǝ̃ {tsaʼẽtẽ na} [Estevam 2011: 296; Hall et al. 1987: 86].
Herold 1996: 134. Allegedly contrasts with nĩ 'to sit'.
Number:53
Word:meat
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:nbɾɨ {mry}2
DEA: 53; Oliveira 2005: 373; Ham et al. 1979: 24; Albuquerque 2011: 101. Polysemy: 'game / meat / to hunt'.
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:54
Word:moon
Xikrin:mɯtɯ=ɾwˈɤ {mytyrwỳ}1
Costa 2015: 58, 297. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.
Kayapo:mɯtɯ=ɾwˈɤ {mytyrwỳ}1
Jefferson 1989: 127; Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.
Kraho:pɨt-wɾˈǝ1
Miranda 2014: 149, 269, 322. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Also attested as pɨt=wɾˈɨ. Often with a diminutive suffix (-ɾɛ). The form pɨt-wɾi-ɾˈɛ [Miranda 2014: 272] is likely a typo.
Pykobje:pǝ̤t=ɾˈɨ {pyhtry}1
Pries 2008: 94.
Canela:put=wɾˈɘ {putwrỳ}1
Grupp 2015: 117; Castro Alves 1999: 26 (put=lˈɘ).
Parkateje:kačˈe-ɾˈɛ {kaxêre}2
Araújo 2016: 123. Polysemy: 'moon / stars'.
Apinaje:nbɨt=vɾˈɘ {mytwrỳ}1
DEA: 54; Oliveira 2005: 372 (nbɨt=vɾɘ-ɾˈɛ {mytwrỳre}); Albuquerque 2011: 41. čũčũ-ɾˈɛ {xũxũre} [DEA: 75] is a mythical character (Moon) [Oliveira 2005: 374].
Miranda 2014: 29, 90. Means 'hill'. Literally 'stone-AUG'. Also attested as kʰen-tˈi and once without an augmentative suffix, kʰẽ [Miranda 2014: 262].
Not attested. Cf. pɔ̃ndɔy 'mount / hill' [Herold 1996: 125].
Number:55
Word:mountain
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:kuʔhˈɨt {cuhhyt}4
Grupp 2015: 109. Class C. Cf. also yakʰˈot {jakôt} 'pile, mountain, river bank, edge' [Grupp 2015: 64], which is not known to be able to refer to tall mountains.
Lachnitt 1987: 24; Estevam 2011: 139; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'mouth / word / opening'. The form ʒay-hǝ {dzaihö}, glossed as 'mouth' in [McLeod 1974], actually means 'lip' [Lachnitt 1987: 25; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 29]. The root ʒaday {dzadai} 'mouth' [Lachnitt 1987: 23] is found in many compounds denoting parts of the oral cavity, as well as speech acts: ʒaday-ʔɾɛ {dzadaiʼré} 'mouth / oral cavity' [Lachnitt 1987: 23; Estevam 2011: 372; Hall et al. 1987: 29], ʒaday-huʔu {dzadaihuʼu} 'to talk / to come to an agreement' [Lachnitt 1987: 23], ʒaday-pɾɔ {dzadaipro} 'saliva, spit' [Lachnitt 1987: 23, 54; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod 1974], etc.
Lachnitt 1987: 21; Estevam 2011: 385; Hall et al. 1987: 22; McLeod 1974. Distinct from ɲɔ̃-ʔɾe {nhoʼre}, with polysemy: 'neck / throat / jowl / to pray / to celebrate / to read / to enumerate / prayer' [Lachnitt 1987: 45; Estevam 2011: 88; Hall et al. 1987: 25].
Costa 2015: 324, 333. Polysemy: 'new / young'. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Kayapo:nɯ {ny}-1
Jefferson 1989: 175; Stout & Thompson 1974. Possibly borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Kraho:tuw #-1
Miranda 2014: 119. Class D. Plural: tuwa-yˈe [178]. In all examples the word seems to rather mean 'guy, young man', but glosses and external data suggest that this is, indeed, the basic root for 'new'. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Pykobje:to̤w {tohw}-1
Pries 2008: 54; Sá 1999: 74; Silva 2011: 109. Class D. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Canela:tuw {tuw}-1
Grupp 2015: 138 ('young'); Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41. Class D. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Parkateje:ntˈuwa {ntuwa}-1
Araújo 2016: 178. Polysemy: 'new / living nephew'. Distinct from tʌm {tàm} 'raw' [Araújo 2016: 224].
Apinaje:ndˈɨwɨ {nyw}-1
DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 375 ('young'); Ham 1961: 28; Albuquerque 2011: 81. Polysemy: 'new / young'. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Kisedje:ndˈɨwɨ {ndywy}-1
DKP: 19; Guedes 1993: 276 (nǯˈɨwɨ); Santos 1997: 67, 109. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Tapayuna:ndˈɨwɨ-1
Camargo 2010: 73; Camargo 2015: 117. Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Panara:ĩ=ntwˈey {ĩntwêê}-1
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 24; Lapierre et al. 2016; Vasconcelos 2013: 159 (ĩtuˈi); Bardagil-Mas f.n. (intwˈey {intwêi}). Probably borrowed from a Northern Amazonian language.
Xavante:tɛm {tém}1
Lachnitt 1987: 69; Estevam 2011: 167; Hall et al. 1987: 40; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'new / raw / unripe'.
Araújo 2016: 178. The morphosyntax of the negation particle ket {kêt} [Araújo 2016: 126] is not described in the source, but it is definitely not basic and is found in very few examples. Distinct from pʌ {pà} 'no' [Araújo 2016: 187], kaka {kaka} 'no / to reject / to abandon / to leave alone'. [Araújo 2016: 110].
Apinaje:kˈet-nɛ̃ {kêt nẽ}1
DEA: 38; Oliveira 2005: 248-253; Ham 1961: 8; Ham et al. 1979: 5; Salanova 2001: 34; Albuquerque 2011: 127.
Salanova 2019. Cf. mẽ-be-ŋo-kɾˈɛ {mẽbêngôkre} 'a Mẽbêngôkre' [Costa 2015: 174].
Kayapo:mẽ {mẽ}1
Salanova 2019. Cf. mẽ-be-ŋo-kɾˈɛ {mẽbêngôkre} 'a Mẽbêngôkre' [Jefferson 1989: 245].
Kraho:
Not attested. The form mẽ denotes generic human possession and functions as a pluralizer for animated nouns [Miranda 2014: 80, 83].
Pykobje:mẽ=h=ˈẽ̤ː {me hẽeh} #3
Pries 2008: 84. Means rather 'Indigenous person, living people'. Technically it is the word for 'flesh, meat' inflected for 3rd person and preceded by a plural clitic.
DEA: 48. Translated as 'we' in [Albuquerque 2011: 87]. Cf. mɛ=ʔˈõ {mẽhõ} 'people / someone' [DEA: 48].
Kisedje:mɛ̃ {me}1
DKP: 6, 7, 14, 18; Guedes 1993: 271. Polysemy: 'person / people'. Usually used with a plural reading, but may be singularized with the particle tʰɔ̃ {thõ}.
Tapayuna:w̃ɛ̃1
Camargo 2010: 48; Camargo 2015: 79.
Panara:pa {pa}4
Dourado 2001: 16.
Xavante:hǝyba {höiba}5
Lachnitt 1987: 31; McLeod 1974. Glossed as 'body' in [Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 22]. Cf. hǝymǝ̃nǝ̃ {höimana} (utterance-finally hǝyba {höiba}) 'to be / to remain / to behave' [Lachnitt 1987: 32; Estevam 2011: 171; Hall et al. 1987: 103].
Xerente:akwẽ {akwẽ}6
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 2, 91; Cotrim 2016: 359; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'people / indigenous person / person / Xerénte'. Glossed as 'indigenous person' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 272].
Laklano:kɔyngˈǝgn {kónhgág}7
Jolkesky 2010: 266. Polysemy: 'person / man'.
Sao Paulo Kaingang:kaȡngˈǝgn7
Jolkesky 2010: 266.
Parana Kaingang:kaȡngˈʌgn {kanhgág} #7
Wiesemann 1981: 36; Wiesemann 2011: 39; Jolkesky 2010: 266. Translated as 'a person of Kaingáng ethnicity' in [Wiesemann 1981; Wiesemann 2011]. The form ʔä̃pɹɔ̃-kˈe {ẽprã ke}, translated as 'human being' in [Wiesemann 2011: 14], is derived from ʔä̃pɹɔ̃ {ẽprã} 'on the ground' and is probably a religious neologism.
Central Kaingang:ũ8
Herold 1996: 161.
Number:64
Word:person
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:h=ĩ {hĩ}3
Grupp 2015: 81; Castro Alves 1999: 57. Technically this is a form of yĩ {jĩ} 'meat, flesh' inflected for 3rd person. Often used with a plural clitic: mɛ̃=h=ˈĩ {me hĩ} in the meaning 'people, Indigenous people, especially the Canela'.
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:ʔaʔuwɛ̃ {aʼuwẽ}6
Lachnitt 1987: 18; Estevam 2011: 180; Hall et al. 1987: 17. Polysemy: 'Xavánte / an indigenous person / human being'.
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:65
Word:rain
Xikrin:na {na}1
Costa 2015: 31. Distinct from ɾwɤ / ɾwɤ-k {rwỳ / rwỳk} 'to rain / to go down' [Costa 2015: 103, 186].
Kayapo:na {na}1
Jefferson 1989: 246; Reis Silva 2003: 43; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 559.
Araújo 2016: 203. Distinct from pyeɾ {pjêr} 'long path', used of an insect in the only available example [Araújo 2016: 197].
Apinaje:pɾɨ {pry}1
DEA: 66; Oliveira 2005: 405; Ham et al. 1979: 10; Salanova 2001: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 36. Distinct from kapɛ {kape} 'circular path between the line of houses and the central plaza of the village' [DEA: 35; Oliveira 2005: 388; Albuquerque 2011: 11] and apparently more basic than mɛ̃=nbɾaː-čˈʌ {mẽmraaxà} [DEA: 50], which is an instrumental nominalization of the verb meaning 'to walk'.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 239; Vasconcelos 2013: 164 (Douradoʼs data). Vasconcelos [2013: 176] attests this word as pˈɨɾi.
Xavante:bǝdǝdi {bödödi}2
Lachnitt 1987: 20; Estevam 2011: 206; Hall et al. 1987: 20; McLeod 1974. Utterance-finally: bǝdǝːdi {bödödi}. Polysemy: 'road / path / street'. Lachnitt [1987: 22] also quotes da=ɲĩmbǝ {danhĩmbö} (probably actually da=ɲĩbǝ {danhĩbö}), which is not attested in other sources. It is possible that this word was borrowed into Proto-Central Jê from a Maxakalían variety (Proto-Maxakalí *p[ɨ]dat after Malalí split off), but since this is uncertain, the word is not marked as a borrowing here.
Xerente:bdǝdi {bdâdi}2
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 4, 67; Sousa Filho 2007: 62; Santos 2007: 239; Mattos 1973. It is possible that this word was borrowed into Proto-Central Jê from a Maxakalían variety (Proto-Maxakalí *p[ɨ]dat after Malalí split off), but since this is uncertain, the word is not marked as a borrowing here.
Alves 2014: 144, 154, 157; Bublitz 1994: 6 (a=mˈɛ̃n {amẽn}); Gakran 2016: 130 (only the former form); Urban 1985: 172 ('path', only the former form); Jolkesky 2010: 266 (only the third form).
Lachnitt 1987: 50, 103; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'long / root / branch / stream' (only for pa {pa}); wede=pa {wedepa} literally means 'the long of the tree'.
Xerente:wde=pa {wdê pa}4
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 55, 93; Cotrim 2016: 54; Sousa Filho 2007: 178; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973. Also attested as pa {pa} [Cotrim 2016: 55].
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:69
Word:round
Xikrin:ɲi=pˈok {nhipôk}1
Costa 2015: 54; Salanova 2019. 2D.
Kayapo:=i=pˈok {ipôk}1
Salanova 2019. 2D. Technically a form of ɲi=pˈok {nhipôk} inflected for 3rd person; uninflected form is not attested.
Kraho:ya=kˈɔt ~ yi=kˈɔt2
Miranda 2014: 57, 74, 172. Polysemy: 'round / fat'. It is possible that yi=kˈɔt means rather 'fat'.
Pykobje:jaɾˈẽk {jarẽc}3
Pries 2008: 64. Probably only 3D. Distinct from ja=kˈot {jacot} 'hill, mountain, mound; small' [Pries 2008: 57], jẽ̤=pˈuk {jẽhpuc} 'to swell (as of a dead animal's belly)'.
DEA: 23, 30; Oliveira 2005: 363. 3D; polysemy among younger speakers: 'round (3D), short in length (e.g. of garnments and shoes) or in duration'; 2D not attested.
Herold 1996: 128. Distinct from tɔ̃ndɨɻ 'thin sand'.
Number:71
Word:say
Xikrin:yaɾˈẽ {jarẽ}1
Costa 2015: 77, 83, 118. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-y {jarẽj}.
Kayapo:yaɾˈẽ {jarẽ}1
Jefferson 1989: 244; Reis Silva 2003: 42; Salanova 2001: 58. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-y {jarẽj}. Distinct from the quotative anˈẽ {ane} that marks indirect speech [Jefferson 1989: 242; Salanova 2019].
Kraho:yaɾˈẽ1
Miranda 2014: 133, 306. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-n. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell'.
Araújo 2016: 62. Non-finite form: yaɾˈẽ-n {jarẽn}. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell stories'.
Apinaje:yaɾˈɛ̃ {jarẽ}1
DEA: 25, 31; Ham et al. 1979: 34; Albuquerque 2011: 32 (only the nominalization). Glossed as 'to tell / to confide' in [Oliveira 2005: 368]. Non-finite form: yaɾˈɛ̃-ɲ {jarẽnh}.
Wiesemann 1981: 44, 277; Wiesemann 2011: 44; Jolkesky 2010: 234. Utterance-finally: kɛ {ké}. Polysemy: 'to say / to do'. Cf. wĩ {vĩ} 'to speak' [Wiesemann 1981: 117; Jolkesky 2010: 267] and the citation verb he {he} [Wiesemann 1981: 15, 274; Wiesemann 2011: 24].
Central Kaingang:ke9
Herold 1996: 163.
Number:71
Word:say
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:
Parkateje:kakˈa {kaka}2
Araújo 2016: 110. Distinct from kakˈok {kakôk} 'to talk / to speak / to express oneself' [Araújo 2016: 111].
Apinaje:ka=pˈɛ̃-ɾ {kapẽr}3
DEA: 35; Oliveira 2005: 388; Albuquerque 2011: 90. Glossed as 'to speak / to talk' but can refer to single speech acts: na ka ɾĩ mɛ kapˈɛ̃-ɾ ya nba {nã ka rĩ mẽ kapẽr ja ba} 'did you hear what she said?' [Oliveira 2005: 347].
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:ka=wˈɛ̃-ɾɛ̃3
Camargo 2015: 82, 186, 213. Polysemy: 'to speak / language / to say'. Glossed as 'to speak' in [Santos 1997: 11] but used extensively referring to single speech acts in [Camargo 2015: 213].
Lachnitt 1987: 102; Estevam 2011: 148; Hall et al. 1987: 108; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell / to comment / to criticize / to censure'.
Xerente:wasku {wasku}6
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53, 74; Cotrim 2016: 228, 250, 416; Sousa Filho 2007: 170, 324; Santos 2007: 237, 242; Mattos 1973. Polysemy: 'to tell / to say / to confess / to present / to show / to explain / to count'.
Laklano:ke {ke}9
Alves 2014: 162; Jolkesky 2010: 234. Utterance-finally: kɛ {ké}. Polysemy: 'to say / to do frequently'.
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:tɔ {tó}8
Wiesemann 1981: 103; Wiesemann 2011: 87. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell'.
DEA: 58, 67; Oliveira 2005: 418; Ham 1961: 2, 12, 17; Ham et al. 1979: 58; Salanova 2001: 35, 73; Albuquerque 2011: 116, 124, 127. Non-finite form: pu=nbˈu-ɲ {pumunh}. 3rd person form: =ɔ=nbˈu {omu}. Polysemy: 'to see / to look / to check / to admire / to meet / to know (a person)'. Distinct from ɾˈĩtĩ {rĩt} 'to look / to see / to visualize' [DEA: 68; Oliveira 2005: 408].
Kisedje:=mũ {mu}1
DKP: 18; Santos 1997: 127; Nonato 2014: 69; Guedes 1993: 271. Non-finite form: =mˈũ-nũ {munu}. 3rd person form: s=ɔ̃=mˈũ {sõmu}. Apparently more basic than ndɔmtwˈɘ {ndomtwâ} 'to see' [DKP: 19] (possibly related to ndɔ {ndo} 'eye').
Lachnitt 1987: 36; Estevam 2011: 77, 286; Hall et al. 1987: 108. Polysemy: 'to see / to supervision / to look after / to look / to obey'.
Xerente:sǝ̃m {sãm}3
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 37, 38, 100; Cotrim 2016: 396; Souza 2008: 37; Sousa Filho 2007: 136, 230, 289. Non-finite form: sǝ̃m-ɾĩ {sãmrĩ}. According to Krieger & Krieger [1994], dual, plural: kmǝ̃=nõpɾɛ {kmã nõpre}. According to Cotrim [2016: 92], the dual is sǝ̃-kw {sãkw} and the plural is kmǝ̃=dǝkǝ ~ kmǝ̃=dǝk ~ kmǝ̃=dkǝ {kmãdâkâ ~ kmãdâk ~ kmãdkâ}. Polysemy: 'to see / to find / to be able to see'.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 22; Dourado 2001: 208; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016 (i=kˈʌ {ikâ}, kʌ {kâ}); Bardagil-Mas f.n. Works as a classifier for barks, skins, clothes and all sorts of covers. Glossed as 'bark / leather' in [Vasconcelos 2013: 207]. Vasconcelos [2013: 186, 187] also attests s=ĩ {sĩ}, which might be an incorrect gloss for 'meat'.
Xavante:hǝy {höi}1
Lachnitt 1987: 30-32; Estevam 2011: 335, 387; Hall et al. 1987: 22; McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'bark / skin'.
Costa 2015: 69 (also without the diminutive suffix); Salanova 2019. Distinct from kɾˈɯ-ɾɛ {kryre} 'tiny'. Cf. =ɾɛ {=re}, which is a very productive diminutive suffix [Costa 2015: 67].
Miranda 2014: 91, 238. Class C. Polysemy: 'small / a little'. Distinct from kɾi-ɾˈɛ ~ kʰɾi 'tiny' (class D) [Miranda 2014: 58, 91]. Cf. =ɾɛ, which is a diminutive suffix [Miranda 2014: 90].
Pykobje:kɾˈiː-ɾe {criire}3
Pries 2008: 52; Sá 2004: 134. Class D. Polysemy: 'small / thin / short / few'. More basic than kahˈǝk-ɾe {cahỳcre} 'small, rude, simple' [Pries 2008: 14], yakˈot {jacot} 'small; mountain, mound, hill' (possibly its prototypical meaning is 'small and round') [Pries 2008: 57]. Cf. -ɾe {-re} 'diminutive' [Pries 2008: 95; Sá 1999: 27].
Canela:kɾˈi-ɾɛ ~ kɾˈiː-ɾɛ {crire}1
Grupp 2015: 135; Castro Alves 2004: 64; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 143. Class D. Cf. the diminutive suffix =ɾɛ [Castro Alves 2004: 48]. Distinct from kɾˈe-ɾɛ {crêre} 'few' [Popjes & Popjes 1986: 144].
Parkateje:kɾˈɨyɨ-ɾˈɛ {kryjyre} #2
Araújo 2016: 142. Polysemy: 'tiny / small moriche palm piece of approximately 60 cm used in rituals'. Cf. the diminutive suffix -ɾɛ {-re} [Araújo 2016: 212].
Lachnitt 1987: 90; Estevam 2011: 75 (cuɾu {tsuru}); Hall et al. 1987: 91; McLeod 1974. Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: cɨɾɨ-ɾe {tsyryre}. More basic than ʔwa=hi ~ ʔwa=hi-ɾe {ʼwahi ~ ʼwahire} 'small / slim' [Lachnitt 1987: 97; Hall et al. 1987: 117 (quoted as wahi-ɾe {wahire})], derived from hi {hi} 'bone'.
Araújo 2016: 249. Non-finite form: ča-ɾ {xar}. Polysemy: 'to stand / to pin'. Apparently distinct from kuβˈe {kuwê} 'to remain standing / to remain / to stand up / to build a house (of insects)' [Araújo 2016: 154].
Apinaje:ča {xa}1
DEA: 35, 74; Oliveira 2005: 374; Ham 1961: 20, 24; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 133. Non-finite form: čʌ̃-m ~ ča-ɾ {xãm ~ xar}. Plural: kuʔˈe {kuhê} [DEA: 60; Oliveira 2005: 394; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Albuquerque 2011: 109].
Salanova 2019; Nimuendajú 1932: 559 (without the diminutive suffix).
Kraho:kacˈe1
Miranda 2014: 43.
Pykobje:kačiː-ɾˈe {caxiire}1
Pries 2008: 18; Sá 1999: 36; Sá 2004: 134 (katiː-ɾˈe); Silva 2011: 63 (kati-ɾ). katiː-tˈe̤ {catiiteh} is translated as 'star' in [Sá 1999: 36; Sá 2004: 134], as 'the big star' in [Pries 2008: 18], but as 'Venus' in [Silva 2011: 63].
Canela:kačˈe {caxê}1
Grupp 2015: 38; Castro Alves 1999: 74. Usually used with a diminutive or an augmentative suffix.
Lachnitt 1987: 102; Estevam 2011: 31; Hall et al. 1987: 119; McLeod 1974.
Xerente:wasi {wasi}1
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53, 77; Cotrim 2016: 311; Souza 2008: 64; Sousa Filho 2007: 136; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({chouachi}). Souza [2008: 42, 46, 66] also lists the form wasi-tɔ-pɾɛ {wasi to pre}, found in the names of the planets (Venus, Mars and Jupiter) in [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53].
DEA: 21, 22, 59. A number of expressions meaning 'to beat water', 'to explode water', 'to walk by beating water', 'to walk on water', etc.
Kisedje:ɺe {rê}1
DKP: 23; DMK; Santos 1997: 71; Guedes 1993: 275. Non-finite form: ɺˈe-ɺe {rêrê}. Polysemy: 'to swim / to cross'. Attested in the latter meaning also in [Nonato 2014: 141].
Tapayuna:ɾe1
Camargo 2015: 124. Non-finite form: ɾˈe-ɾe. Attested as i=ɾˈɛ in [Camargo 2010: 43].
Panara:
Not attested.
Xavante:ɾibi / ʒǝ=ɾibi {ribi / dzöribi}5
Lachnitt 1987: 28; Estevam 2011: 396; Hall et al. 1987: 79; McLeod 1974 (ʒǝː=ɾi {dzöri}).
DEA: 53; Oliveira 2005: 165; Ham 1961: 15; Albuquerque 2011: 88. Distinct from the deictic morpheme ta {ta} [DEA: 69; Albuquerque 2011: 88], whose exact meaning includes the component 'remote past'.
Kisedje:a-tʰˈa {atha}2
DKP: 6; DMK; Santos 1997: 61; Nonato 2014: 66. Close to the listener.
Tapayuna:a-ʈʰˈa2
Camargo 2015: 109. Close to the listener.
Panara:mʌ̃-ɾa {mãra}6
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 43; Dourado 2001: 47. Pronoun: wa {wa}. Cf. mʌ̃-mʌ̃ {mãmã} 'the one far from the addressee' [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 43].
Xavante:ʔɔ̃ / ʔɔ̃-hɔ̃ {õ / õhõ}7
Lachnitt 1987: 48; Estevam 2011: 47; Hall et al. 1987: 76. Distinct from the anaphoric device ta/taha {ta / taha} [Lachnitt 1987: 68; Estevam 2011: 47; Hall et al. 1987: 92].
Xerente:kũ-hǝ̃ {kũhã}7
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 24, 62; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 134; Santos 2007: 239 (ku-hǝ̃ {kuhã}), 240; Mattos 1973. Distinct from ta-hǝ̃ {tahã} 'generic demonstrative not specified for distance' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 47; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 134; Mattos 1973].
Laklano:hã-tˈa {hãta}2
Alves 2014: 152; Gakran 2016: 107. Visible. Also attested as ã-tˈa {ãta} in [Alves 2014: 144]; as ã-n in [Jolkesky 2010: 233].
Sao Paulo Kaingang:ʔɛ̃n2
Jolkesky 2010: 233.
Parana Kaingang:ʔä̃n {ẽn}2
Wiesemann 1981: 3; Wiesemann 2011: 161; Jolkesky 2010: 233. Visible to the speaker.
Central Kaingang:ɛ̃n2
Herold 1996: 161.
Number:85
Word:that
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:nẽt {net}4
Pries 2008: 88; Silva 2011: 113. Distal deixis.
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:nˈĩ-ɺa {nira}4
DKP: 21; DMK; Santos 1997: 61; Nonato 2014: 81; Guedes 1993: 272. Far from the speaker and the listener.
Tapayuna:nĩ-ɾˈa ~ ni-ɾˈa4
Camargo 2015: 109, 137. Far from the speaker and the listener; invisible. Polysemy: 'that / far'. ʈʰõ-ɾˈa is described as 'far from the speaker and the listener' but is translated as 'another' in [Camargo 2015: 110].
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:ũ-tˈa {ũta}8
Gakran 2016: 107. Invisible to the speaker. Glossed as 'another, different' in [Alves 2014: 178]. Attested as ta {ta} in [Jolkesky 2010: 233].
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:tɔ̃ {tã}9
Wiesemann 2011: 161; Jolkesky 2010: 233. Invisible to the speaker. Attested only in compounds in [Wiesemann 1981: 99].
Central Kaingang:
Number:86
Word:this
Xikrin:yã {jã}1
Costa 2015: 84; Salanova 2019.
Kayapo:yã {jã}1
Jefferson 1989: 243 (ya {ja}); Reis Silva 2003: 50; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019.
DKP: 9; DMK; Santos 1997: 61; Nonato 2014: 126; Guedes 1993: 265; Nonato f.n. ({ita}). Close to the speaker.
Tapayuna:i-ʈʰˈa2
Camargo 2015: 109. Close to the speaker.
Panara:pya {pja}3
Dourado 2001: 47.
Xavante:ʔǝ̃ / ʔǝ̃-hǝ̃ {ã / ãhã}4
Lachnitt 1987: 14; Estevam 2011: 47; Hall et al. 1987: 12; McLeod 1974.
Xerente:tǝ=kǝ̃ / kǝ̃-hǝ̃ {tâkã / kãhã}4
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 15, 47, 77; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 134 (ka-hǝ̃ ~ kǝ̃-hǝ̃ {kahã ~ kãhã}); Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973. According to Cotrim [2016: 96], kǝ̃-hǝ̃ {kãhã} conveys the idea of a distant but visible object, in which case only tǝ=kǝ̃ {tâkã} would qualify for inclusion in GLD. In practice, it is irrelevant whether to include kǝ̃-hǝ̃ {kãhã} on the list because both these demonstratives share the root kǝ̃ {kã} anyway.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 43; Dourado 2001: 47; Bardagil-Mas f.n. (yʌ̃ {jã}). According to Dourado, this word is more often used pronominally than adnominally. Cf. mʌ̃=ya {mãja} 'the one close to the speaker but not from the addressee' [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 43].
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:87
Word:thou
Xikrin:ga {ga}1
Costa 2015: 78. Pronoun (agentive case).
Kayapo:ga {ga}1
Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 50; Salanova 2001: 18; Stout & Thompson 1974. Pronoun (agentive case).
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 13, 49, 101; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 117, 120, 122; Santos 2007: 240; Mattos 1973. ka {ka} is used mostly by the elderly.
Jefferson 1989: 64; Reis Silva 2003: 51; Stout & Thompson 1974. Absolutive/accusative. Ergative: a-yɛ {aje}.
Kraho:a-2
Miranda 2014: 106. Absolutive/accusative.
Pykobje:aː- {aa-}2
Pries 2008: 2; Sá 1999: 75; Sá 2004: 68; Silva 2011: 110. Absolutive/accusative. In j-initial stems, the allomorph ng- {ng-} may be optionally used instead.
Canela:a- {a-}2
Grupp 2015: V; Castro Alves 2004: 83; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 129. Absolutive/accusative. In j-initial stems, the allomorph ŋ- {g-} may be optionally used instead.
Parkateje:a- ~ ha- {a- ~ ha-}2
Araújo 2016: 19. Absolutive/accusative.
Apinaje:a- {a-}2
DEA: 17; Oliveira 2005: 180; Ham 1961: 25; Ham et al. 1979: 17; Albuquerque 2011: 87. Absolutive/accusative.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 117; Dourado 2001: 44; Bardagil-Mas 2015: 4; Bardagil-Mas 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. With j-initial stems, the allomorph k- {k-} is used instead; it is not given in the main field because these stems are significantly less numerous than those that receive a- {a-}. Absolutive/accusative clitic.
Xavante:ʔay- {ai-}2
Lachnitt 1987: 14; Estevam 2011: 149, 209; Hall et al. 1987: 268. Person index. Honorific: aː- {aa-}.
Xerente:ay- {ai-}2
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 1; Cotrim 2016: 96; Souza 2008: 40; Sousa Filho 2007: 123; Santos 2007: 244. Person index.
Grupp 2015: 89; Castro Alves 1999: 66; Castro Alves 2004: 124. Grupp [2015: 91] also mentions the variant yɔptˈɔ {jopto}, which might belong to the Krahô variety (rather than Canela).
Parkateje:yõtˈɔ {jõto}1
Araújo 2016: 78.
Apinaje:ɲɔ̃ʔtˈɔ {nhõhto}1
DEA: 58; Oliveira 2005: 400; Ham et al. 1979: 56.
Kisedje:
Not attested.
Tapayuna:ɲõʈʰˈɔ1
Camargo 2010: 69; Camargo 2015: 72.
Panara:s=ɔ̃tˈɔ {sõto}1
Dourado 2001: 100; Vasconcelos 2013: 194.
Xavante:ɲɔ̃ytɔ ~ ɲɔ̃ttɔ {nhoito ~ nhotto}1
Lachnitt 1987: 45, 89 (ɲɔ̃tɔ); Estevam 2011: 139; Hall et al. 1987: 276; McLeod 1974 (ɲɔ̃tɔ).
Costa 2015: 145. Distinct from bˈʌɾi {bàr} 'tree trunk' [Costa 2015: 73], a root present in compound tree names. Distinct from ko {kô} 'a place where a certain tree or plant is abundant' [Costa 2015: 74].
Kayapo:pĩ {pĩ}1
Jefferson 1989: 247; Reis Silva 2003: 68; Salanova 2001: 19; Nimuendajú 1932: 560 (pĩ 'firewood'). Distinct from bˈʌɾi {bàr} 'bush / tree trunk / horn' [Salanova 2001: 22], kɾač {krax} 'tree trunk' [Jefferson 1989: 245].
Kraho:pĩ1
Miranda 2014: 25. Distinct from pˈɐɾɐ ~ pˈaɾa (class C) 'tree trunk' [Miranda 2014: 96, 121, 155], a root that is present in compound tree names.
Pykobje:pẽ̤ {pẽh}1
Pries 2008: 90; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 131; Silva 2011: 126. Polysemy: 'tree / wood / stick / firewood'. Distinct from pǝɾ {pỳr} 'frutiferous tree, tree of a certain species' [Pries 2008: 48; Sá 2004: 88].
Canela:pɜɻ {pàr}2
Grupp 2015: 171; Castro Alves 1999: 21, 61; Castro Alves 2004: 40. Class B. Polysemy: 'horn / tree / trunk'. Sometimes found with an indefinite internal argument: ampɔ=pˈɜɻ {ampopàr}.
DEA: 63; Oliveira 2005: 403; Ham 1961: 20; Ham et al. 1979: 18. Distinct from pˈʌɾʌ ~ pˈaɾa {pàr ~ par} 'horn / tree trunk / the plant of a particular fruit or flower / canoe / car' [DEA: 61; Oliveira 2005: 402; Albuquerque 2011: 77]. Albuquerque translates pĩ {pĩ} as 'wood' [2011: 62] and pˈʌɾʌ {pàr} as 'tree' [2011: 77].
Pries 2008: 26. Borrowed from Portuguese doys {dois}.
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:amɛ̃č-kɾˈutu {amẽxkrut}1
Oliveira 2005: 212; Ham 1961: 5. Also attested as amɛ̃t=kɾˈutu {amẽtkrut}
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:91
Word:two
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:tˈois {tôis}-1
DEA: 71. Borrowed from Portuguese doys {dois}.
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:92
Word:walk(go)
Xikrin:tẽ {tẽ}1
Costa 2015: 63, 79, 84. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽ}. Plural: mõ {mõ} [Costa 2015: 61, 76]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'.
Kayapo:tẽ {tẽ}1
Jefferson 1989: 21; Reis Silva 2003: 75; Salanova 2001: 19. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽ}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Plural: mõ {mõ} [Jefferson 1989: 71; Reis Silva 2003: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974]. Distinct from mɾã {mrã}, kɯ {ky} 'to walk' [Jefferson 1989: 98, 142; Salanova 2001: 18, 55].
Kraho:tẽ1
Miranda 2014: 121, 178. Class A. Non-finite form: tẽ-m. Polysemy: 'to go / to walk / to come'. Plural: pɾa [Miranda 2014: 129, 134]. No transparent semantic difference from mõ.
Pykobje:tẽ {tẽ}1
Pries 2008: 41; Sá 2004: 118; Silva 2011: 78. Class C. Non-finite form: tẽ-m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from pa {pa} 'to walk, to live', pɾaː {praa} 'to walk fast, to live' [Pries 2008: 44, 51]. The distinction between tẽ {tẽ} and mõ {mõ} is not that of number; tẽ {tẽ} refers to a faster movement than mõ {mõ}.
Canela:tɛ̃ {tẽ}1
Grupp 2015: 128; Castro Alves 1999: 24, 28; Castro Alves 2004: 54, 143; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 138, 162, 183. Class C. Non-finite form: tɛ̃-m {tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come / to travel'. The distinction between tɛ̃ {tẽ} and mɔ̃ {mõ} is not that of number; tɛ̃ {tẽ} might refer to a faster movement than mɔ̃ {mõ}. Distinct from pɾa {pra} 'to run, to travel on a fast vehicle, to ride, to walk fast.PL' [Grupp 2015: 133].
Parkateje:tẽ {tẽ}1
Araújo 2016: 225. Non-finite form: tẽ-n {tẽn}. Glossed as 'to go fast'. The verb mũ {mũ} is glossed as 'to go' in [Araújo 2016: 169], but in the available examples it is not used in the Swadesh meaning; apparently the verb in question is auxiliary. Distinct from mõ {mõ} 'to leave' [Araújo 2016: 165], pɾa {pra} 'to walk / to run' [Araújo 2016: 169, 200], pɾa {pra} 'to go away' [Araújo 2016: 200], i=pˈa {ipa} 'to stroll' [Araújo 2016: 85], čɨ {xy} 'to walk through a forest in a group' [Araújo 2016: 79], hʌpˈa 'to walk in a line' [Araújo 2016: 59], mču {mxu} 'to walk a long distance' [Araújo 2016: 169].
Apinaje:tɛ̃ {tẽ}1
DEA: 70; Oliveira 2005: 410; Ham 1961: 4; Ham et al. 1979: 58; Albuquerque 2011: 119. Non-finite form: tɛ̃ː ~ tɛ̃-m {tẽẽ ~ tẽm}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Means 'to go' if used with the directional particle ma {mã}. Plural: mɔ̃ {mõ} [DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 399; Ham et al. 1979: 55; Salanova 2001: 30, 35]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Distinct from ⁿbɾa {mra} 'to walk / to stroll' [DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 373; Ham et al. 1979: 53; Albuquerque 2011: 50, 90]. According to Albuquerque [2011: 94], ⁿbɾa {mra} is used as a plural of tɛ̃ {tẽ}. The words kɾʌ {krà} and kɨy {kyj} are translated as 'to go' in [DEA: 40, 45] but as 'to take a stand / to decide' and 'letʼs' respectively in [Oliveira 2005: 384, 391; Albuquerque 2011: 127].
Miranda 2014: 106, 115, 160. Class A. Non-finite form: mˈõ-ɾõ. No transparent semantic difference from tẽ.
Pykobje:mõ {mõ}0
Pries 2008: 87; Sá 2004: 110; Silva 2011: 88. Non-finite form: mõ-ɾ {mõr}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. Class A. Refers to a faster movement than tẽ {tẽ}.
Canela:mɔ̃ {mõ}2
Grupp 2015: 166; Castro Alves 1999: 20; Castro Alves 2004: 61, 62; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 132. Class A. Non-finite form: mɔ̃-ɻ {mõr}. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'.
Parkateje:mõ {mõ} #2
Araújo 2016: 165. Non-finite form: mõ-n {mõn}. Glossed as 'to go fast'. Might be plural.
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:93
Word:warm
Xikrin:ka=ŋɾˈɔ {kangro}1
Costa 2015: 44.
Kayapo:ka=ŋɾˈɔ {kangro}1
Jefferson 1989: 150; Reis Silva 2003: 33.
Kraho:ka=kɾˈɔ1
Miranda 2014: 74, 197. Class A or B. Also attested variably as ka=kʰɾˈɔ, ka=kʰɾˈo.
Pykobje:ka=kɾˈo {cacro}1
Pries 2008: 13; Sá 2004: 115. Class A.
Canela:ka=kɾˈɔ {cacro}1
Grupp 2015: 30; Castro Alves 1999: 42, 70; Castro Alves 2004: 40; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 15; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 136 (kɾɔ {cro}). Class A. Polysemy: 'warm / hot / to warm up'.
Parkateje:ka=kɾˈɔ-tˈi {kakroti}1
Araújo 2016: 112. Derived from ka=kɾˈɔ {kakro} 'heat / to warm up' [Araújo 2016: 112].
Apinaje:ka=ngɾˈɔ {kagro}1
DEA: 32; Oliveira 2005: 387; Albuquerque 2011: 95. Glossed as 'hot'. Distinct from ʔʌ̃=ngo ~ ʌ̃=ngo {hã gô ~ ã gô} 'sweat / to sweat / to be warm' [DEA: 23; Oliveira 2005: 415].
Kisedje:kʰa=ngɹˈɔ {khangro}1
DKP: 10; Santos 1997: 67; Nonato f.n. (glossed as 'hot'). Also attested as kʰa=ngɹˈo {khangrô}.
Tapayuna:ka=ngʁˈɔ1
Camargo 2010: 46. In [Camargo 2010: 119, 159] this word is translated as 'to feel hot'.
Panara:n=ʌ̃=nkyˈɔ {nãnkjo}1
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 113; Dourado 2001: 36, 126; Vasconcelos 2013: 169; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Glossed as 'hot' in the sources.
Xavante:waː=ʔɾɔ {waʼro}1
Lachnitt 1987: 101; Estevam 2011: 75; Hall et al. 1987: 120; McLeod 1974 (waːʔɾɔː-di). Polysemy: 'hot / fever'.
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 26; Dourado 2001: 147; Vasconcelos 2013: 196; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas f.n.
Xavante:ʔuy {ui}1
Lachnitt 1987: 91; Hall et al. 1987: 113; McLeod 1974. Used of water that does not flow. Distinct from ʔǝy {öi} 'flowing water' [Lachnitt 1987: 48; Estevam 2011: 54; Hall et al. 1987: 18; McLeod 1974] and ʔay=wa=ʔu {aiwaʼu} 'water' (the word used by shamans) [Lachnitt 1987: 16; Estevam 2011: 508]. Although the names of drinks are derived from ʔǝy {öi} (ʔǝ-ʒey {ödzei} 'sweetened water / soft drink', ʔǝ-ʒɛ {ödzé} 'alcoholic beverage') [Lachnitt 1987: 48; Estevam 2011: 390; Hall et al. 1987: 18], the word ʔuy {ui} is used for drinking water (e.g. ti=mǝ̃mǝ̃ te ayʔutɛ wacutu, cɔ̃tɔ̃ ɾɛ, ʔu te te ʒǝ=ʔɾɛ̃-nɛ̃ da {timama te aiʼuté wasutu, tsõtõ ré, u te te zöʼrẽne da} 'the child bothered its father while he was sleeping because it wanted to drink water) [Hall et al. 1987: 108].
Xerente:kǝy {kâi}2
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 15, 60; Cotrim 2016: 60, 114, 154; Souza 2008: 30; Sousa Filho 2007: 86, 131, 162, 188; Santos 2007: 238, 243; Mattos 1973; Ehrenreich 1895: 153 (kǝ). Polysemy: 'water / river'. Can be used of drinking water, as seen from examples in [Cotrim 2016: 114, 154, 260]. Significantly outnumbers in the latter meaning the more archaic word kuy {kuy} [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 22, 65; Castelnau f.n. ({cou})].
DEA: 59, 60, 61; Oliveira 2005: 159; Ham et al. 1979: 28; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 85, 87. Pronoun (agentive case). Polysemy: 'I / we'. Accompanied by the clitic -mɛ {-mẽ} (plural) or wa {-wa} in its non-singular readings. Distinct from pu {pu} [DEA: 67; Oliveira 2005: 406; Ham et al. 1979: 28; Salanova 2001: 33; Albuquerque 2011: 110], which is hortative inclusive.
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 52, 88; Cotrim 2016: 96; Sousa Filho 2007: 120 (wa-nõɾĩ-...-nĩ {wanõrĩ...nĩ}; Santos 2007: 240 (wa-nõɾi {wanõri}); Mattos 1973. The former form is a free pronoun, the latter form is a possessive prefix (or circumfix).
Miranda 2014: 106. Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative. Plural: mẽ=...=pa- ~ mẽ=...=paʔ- (erroneously cited as exclusive but found as inclusive e.g. in [Miranda 2014: 127]).
DKP: 28 (ku=wa- {ku wa-}); Santos 1997: 45; Nonato 2014: 13 (ergative). Inclusive. Absolutive/accusative. wa- {wa-} is paucal or plural (according to Santos) or just absolutive (according to Nonato).
DEA: 47; Oliveira 2005: 166; Ham et al. 1979: 7, 32; Albuquerque 2011: 123. Polysemy: 'what / thing'. tʌ̃nbˈa ~ taɲ-mˈʌ̃ {tãma ~ tanhmã} is translated as 'what' in [DEA: 70; Ham et al. 1979: 34; Albuquerque 2011: 104] and as 'how / whatever' in [Oliveira 2005: 410].
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 46, 53; Dourado 2001: 127 (pyʌ̃). Distinct from yu {ju}, used for notions like temporality or location rather than objects [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 53; Dourado 2001: 39].
Xavante:ʔe=tihay {e tihai}5
Lachnitt 1987: 70; Estevam 2011: 113; Hall et al. 1987: 33; McLeod 1974 (ʔeː=tiha). Female speech.
DEA: 23, 30; Oliveira 2005: 383; Ham 1961: 27; Ham et al. 1979: 36; Albuquerque 2011: 83.
Kisedje:ya=kˈa {jaka}1
DKP: 24; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (saakɨ); Nonato f.n. In [DKP: 4, 19], two more roots are attested: yakˈɨyi {jakyji} and ŋ=nˈɔ̃-ȶi {ngnõtxi}; these are hardly basic.
DEA: 48, 73; Oliveira 2005: 167; Ham et al. 1979: 30; Albuquerque 2011: 89. wa= {wa=} and mɛ= {mɛ̃=} are dual and plural markers respectively, but Oliveira informs that they 'seem to share the same meaning; if there is any semantic difference, it is not an obvious one'.
Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=nˈi {mẽni} 'women' [Costa 2015: 91], often used with a diminutive suffix.
Kayapo:mẽ=ʔõ=ni {mẽʼõ ni}1
Salanova 2019. Singulative from mẽ=nˈi {mẽni} 'women' [Jefferson 1989: 246; Reis Silva 2003: 62 (mɛ̃=ni-ɾɛ {mẽnire}); Nimuendajú 1932: 560], often used with a diminutive suffix.
Kraho:kahˈɐ̃y-1
Miranda 2014: 84, 86. Probably borrowed from a form close to Guajajára kuzǝ {kuzà} 'woman'. Collective plural: pɨ-yˈe.
Pykobje:kahˈǝ̃y {cahỹj}-1
Pries 2008: 14; Sá 2004: 26; Silva 2011: 122; Silva 2012: 236. Probably borrowed from a form close to Guajajára kuzǝ {kuzà} 'woman'. Collective plural: pǝ̤-yi {pyh ji} [94].
Canela:kahˈɜ̃y {cahãj}-1
Grupp 2015: 30; Castro Alves 1999: 26, 56; Castro Alves 2004: 40. Probably borrowed from a form close to Guajajára kuzǝ {kuzà} 'woman'. Collective plural: pɨː-yˈe ~ pɨ-yˈe {pyjê} [Grupp 2015: 178; Castro Alves 1999: 28; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 17].
Parkateje:ntˈia {ntia}1
Araújo 2016: 177. Polysemy: 'woman / living wife / female'. Distinct from kahˈǝ̃y-ɾˈɛ {kahãire} 'female'.
Apinaje:ndi {ni}1
DEA: 56; Oliveira 2005: 376; Ham et al. 1979: 56; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 73. Polysemy: 'woman / pelvis'.
Costa 2015: 40, 118; Salanova 2019. Cf. ɾˈĩna-ɾi {rĩnari} 'in a distant location' [Salanova 2019].
Kayapo:ɔ=nˈiya {onija}2
Jefferson 1989: 173; Salanova 2001: 14; Salanova 2019. Cf. nˈiya-ɾi {nijari} 'in a distant location' [Salanova 2019].
Kraho:aw=ɾˈɨ3
Miranda 2014: 65.
Pykobje:ampˈɨʔ-mǝ̃ {ampyʼmy} #4
Pries 2008: 11. Glossed as 'from somewhere' and found in an example meaning 'it is still far from here'. Also attested in the expression ampˈɨː rõ̤m-pi {ampyy rõhmpi} 'from far away'.
Grupp 2015: 26; Castro Alves 2004: 142. Distinct from h=aw=ɾɨ ~ jũw=ɾɨ {hawry ~ jũwry} 'very far away (more than a dayʼs worth travel distance)' [Grupp 2015: 80, 101], yũ=ɾɨ {jũry} 'far away (of geographic places)' [Grupp 2015: 100], pɔ-nǝ̃ {po nã} 'far (of people who are being remembered)' [Grupp 2015: 174].
Parkateje:ʌw=ɾˈɨ-mǝ̃ {àwrymã}3
Araújo 2016: 46.
Apinaje:aw=ɾˈɨ {awry}3
DEA: 18; Oliveira 2005: 371; Albuquerque 2011: 100. Distinct from pˈu-mu {pum} 'outside' [Oliveira 2005: 149], translated as 'far' in [DEA: 67].
Kisedje:mũ-hˈayi ~ mũ-tˈayi {muhaji ~ mutaji}7
DKP: 18; DMK; Santos 1997: 140 (mũ-hayˈi); Guedes 1993: 71 (mũː-tˈaǯi ~ mũː-tˈaye). Distinct from nĩ-hˈayi ~ nĩ-tˈayi {nihaji ~ nitaji}, glossed as 'far' in [Santos 1997: 93] (nˈi-haǯi), but as 'there' in [DKP: 21; DMK; Nonato 2014: 128].
Tapayuna:nĩ-hˈay / nĩ-ɾˈa8
Camargo 2010: 66, 79 (only the forms with -hay, also ɲĩ-hˈay, ni-hˈay); Camargo 2015: 109, 137 (only the forms with -ɾa; also ni-ɾˈa). nĩ-hˈay is translated as 'there' in [Camargo 2015: 137].
Panara:puː-ahˈʌ̃ {puuahã}9
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 45; Dourado 2001: 38, 169, 216; Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016; Lapierre et al. 2016. Contains an adessive postposition. Polysemy: 'far / field'. Bardagil-Mas [2018: 240] also attests ũwˈa {ũwa} 'far away'.
Xavante:ɾɔm=hǝ {romhö}11
Lachnitt 1987: 62; Estevam 2011: 74; Hall et al. 1987: 82; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔm=hǝː-di).
Xerente:ɾɔm=hǝ {romhâ}11
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 34, 84; Sousa Filho 2007: 61; Santos 2007: 238, 244; Mattos 1973. Combines with the predicative particles -ki {-ki} and -di {-di}.
Salanova 2019. Cf. the postpositions tˈʌ̃-ɾi {tãri}, kˈu-ɾi {kuri} [Salanova 2019]. Jefferson [1989: 173] attests yʌ̃ɲ {jãnh}.
Kraho:tep2
Miranda 2014: 25. Distinct from ta=pˈi [Miranda 2014: 46], which is apparently a postposition.
Pykobje:jõ̤ʔ=nǝ̤̃n-ɾe̤ {jõhʼnyhnreh}3
Pries 2008: 70. Emphatic variants: jõ̤ʔ=nǝ̤̃ː-ɾe̤ ~ jõ̤ʔ=nǝ̤̃ʔ-ɾe̤ {jõhʼnyyhreh ~ jõhʼnyhʼreh}. Distinct from tip {tip} 'to approach' [Pries 2008: 42].
Canela:yũ=nɜ̃-pi-ɾɛ-mɜ̃ {jũ na pire mã}3
Grupp 2015: 93. Cf. also iʔ=nˈĩ-mɜ̃ {ihnĩ mã} 'close by' [Grupp 2015: 123].
Parkateje:kapˈene {kapên}6
Araújo 2016: 115. Translated as 'around here' in the only available example. Cf. the postposition nɨ̃ {nỹ} 'close to' [Araújo 2016: 179]. Distinct from tep {têp} 'soon'.
Apinaje:a=kɾʌ̃n-lˈɛ {akrãnre} #7
DEA: 14.
Kisedje:
Not attested. Cf. i-tʰˈayi {ithaji} 'here' [DKP: 9; DMK; Nonato f.n. ({itaj})], glossed as 'near' in [Guedes 1993: 159] (i-tˈaǯe).
Lachnitt 1987: 62-63; Hall et al. 1987: 82; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔm=hǝtu-ɾeː-di). Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: ɾɔm=hutu-ɾe {romhuture}. Cf. the postposition ʔɾata {ʼrata} [Lachnitt 1987: 57; Estevam 2011: 93; Hall et al. 1987: 41, 126].
Xerente:ɾɔm=tu-ɾe {romturê}11
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 35, 91; Santos 2007: 244. Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}.
Laklano:la {la}15
Alves 2014: 167. Glossed as 'proche, arriver proche'.
Lachnitt 1987: 66; Estevam 2011: 30, 87; Hall et al. 1987: 128. Polysemy: 'in turn / near'. Also attested as ʔɾǝ-wi-pece {ʼröwipese}; in this variant it does not have an adpositional reading (only an adverbial one).
Xerente:kɾe-wi {krêwi}12
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 20, 91; Cotrim 2016: 100; Sousa Filho 2007: 168; Santos 2007: 239. Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: kɾe-wi-ɾe {krêwirê}.
DEA: 69 ({tãã}); Ham et al. 1979: 24; Salanova 2001: 30.
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:kɾta ~ kta {krta ~ kta}13
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 21, 91; Cotrim 2016: 99, 104; Sousa Filho 2007: 168. Often occurs with the diminutive suffix: ktam-ɾe {ktamrê} (Cotrim lists the form ktǝ̃m-ɾe {ktãmrê}).
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:103
Word:near
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:ya=tˈep / i=tˈep {jatêp / itêp} #2
Oliveira 2005: 369. These are postpositions, but the morpheme seems to be basic.
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:ɾɔm=kɾtu-ɾe {romkrturê}14
Mattos 1973. Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}.
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:104
Word:salt
Xikrin:ka=ǯwa-ɲˈĩ {kadjwanhĩ}1
Salanova 2019.
Kayapo:ka=ǯwa-ɲˈĩ {kadjwanhĩ}1
Salanova 2019. Distinct from čɯɾčˈɯɾɯ {xyrxyr} 'vegetable salt'.
Oliveira 2005: 392. Probably 1D. Translated as 'to shorten' in [DEA: 40]. The roots ʔa {ha}, jakɔː-lˈɛ {jakotre} [DEA: 23, 24] are hardly basic; the latter is technically a diminutive of 'round' (3D).
Camargo 2010: 76. Polysemy: 'thin / narrow'. Attested as a suffix (=tĩ 'DIM', =tĩ-ɾɛ 'DIM.INTENS') in [Camargo 2015: 80].
Panara:ĩ=nkˈitiŋ {ĩnkitin}7
Vasconcelos 2013: 218 (ĩ=kˈidiŋ). Cited after Dourado.
Xavante:waɾɛ {waré}9
Lachnitt 1987: 100. Polysemy: 'thin and long / loose / endless'.
Xerente:hi-ɾe {hirê}1
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 12, 79; Cotrim 2016: 66; Sousa Filho 2007: 221. Used for 1D objects. Combines with the predicative particle -ki {-ki}. Distinct from wamhuy-te {wamhuitê} 'thin (of humans), slim' [Sousa Filho 2007: 221]; kti-kɾɛ ~ kɾti-kɾɛ ~ kti-ɾe ~ kɾti-ɾe {ktikre ~ krtikre ~ ktirê ~ krtirê} 'thin (of humans)' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 21; Cotrim 2016: 78; Mattos 1973]. Apparently related to suy=hi-ɾe {suihirê} 'thin', mentioned in [Sousa Filho 2007: 92] (suy {sui} is probably the root for 'leaf'). Most likely, also distinct from waɾɛ-ɾe {warerê}, which is translated as 'thin' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 99, 221] (including the example kuba-ɾe waɾɛ-ɾe-ki {kubarê warerêki} 'the boat is thin'), but glossed as 'narrow' in all other sources [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 53; Cotrim 2016: 102; Santos 2007: 238, 244].
Laklano:tɨndˈɨlɨ {tydyl}12
Alves 2014: 178; Bublitz 1994: 23 (glossed as 'socado, fino'). Glossed as 'soft' in [Gakran 2016: 130], referring to sand. Cf. kačitˈɛyɛ 'narrow' [Bublitz 1994: 14].
Lachnitt 1987: 66, 102; Estevam 2011: 180; Hall et al. 1987: 84, 278; McLeod 1974. Usually occurs with the prefix ɾɔː= {ro-} as in ɾɔː=wa=ʔuʔu {rowaʼuʼu}.
Xerente:wa=kku {wakku}1
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 35, 51, 100; Sousa Filho 2007: 100; Santos 2007: 238; Mattos 1973. Usually occurs with the prefix ɾɔ= {ro-} as ɾɔ=wa=kku {rowakku}.
Laklano:kuhˈũn {kuhũn}4
Alves 2014: 165 (kuhˈudn{kuhun}); Bublitz 1994: 14, Gakran 2016: 61. The form kã=kˈa {kãgka}, cited in [Jolkesky 2010: 261], is probably not basic.
Costa 2015: 218 (tɛpɾʌ̃m-ǯˈʌ {teprãmdjà}). One possible origin is a contraction of tɛp-mʌ̃ pɾʌ̃m-ǯʌ {tep mã prãm djà}, an instrumental nominalization of 'to bite (of fish)'.
Kayapo:tɛpɾʌ̃n-ǯˈʌ {teprãndjà}1
Jefferson 1989: 235 (tɛpɾʌ̃-ǯˈʌ-nɛ {teprãdjàne}); Salanova 2019. One possible origin is a contraction of tɛp=mʌ̃=pɾʌ̃m-ǯʌ {tep mã prãm djà}, an instrumental nominalization of 'to bite (of fish)'. Distinct from pi=ŋˈo {pingô} 'worm, caterpillar' [Stout & Thompson 1974].
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